The saying that a week is a long time in politics bears, like all cliches, some semblance of truth. While - and allowing for all the preliminary work and talks - six months at times seemed too short a period in which to negotiate a successful political settlement, the final week of multi-party negotiations reflected the truth in this saying.
A week which began with the distribution of a draft agreement opposed by several of the participants, and which ended with the historic announcement that agreement had been reached, was evidence that a week is indeed a long time in modern Irish politics.
The early months of the year continued to be punctuated by violence. One of the most awful acts, and one which caused widespread outrage, was the apparent "random" killing of two young men, Damien Trainor, a Catholic, and Philip Allen, a Protestant, two lifelong friends having a drink together when they were shot by loyalist gunmen. It was a stark reminder to us of the urgency of the talks in which we were engaged.
The images of the week which preceded the Good Friday agreement and which were broadcast throughout the world - glimpses of participants working late into the night while the world press assembled in Belfast waiting news of agreement - are perhaps the most vivid images of that period of multi-party negotiations. Yet these were only images and for those of us involved, literally day and night, the memories are still very alive of the intensive work and negotiation which was carried out during that historic week.
A sense of new urgency developed quickly after the announcement by Senator George Mitchell in the last days of March that agreement must be reached by April 9th. I think that he had had enough of the constant circling and entrenched positions and was trying to force everyone to make a move.
On Monday, April 6th, Senator Mitchell provided the long-awaited draft of the overall agreement to all participants. First reactions were that the SDLP, Sinn Fein, Women's Coalition and the Northern Ireland Labour group appeared reasonably satisfied with the draft, while the other participants had major reservations with elements of it. David Trimble and the UUP were, in particular, very unhappy with the North-South proposals.
By lunchtime, the loyalist parties had joined ranks with the UUP in publicly criticising the draft in a press conference.
On Wednesday, the Taoiseach arrived at Hillsborough Castle for a meeting with the British Prime Minister before travelling to Stormont for consultations with the Government delegation, the SDLP and Sinn Fein. In the midst of his personal grief at the sudden loss of his mother, the Taoiseach showed his absolute commitment to the process by rushing from his mother's graveside to be present at this most crucial point of negotiations. This was deeply appreciated by everyone. Indeed, on two or three occasions during the all-night sessions, John Taylor, of the UUP, particularly showed a lot of consideration for the Taoiseach and asked him if he would like to take a break.
Throughout the course of the evening the Taoiseach had a number of difficult meetings with the UUP, in particular in relation to the North-South institutions. The Taoiseach maintained his position throughout that the implementation bodies should be anchored in Westminster legislation while, on other issues, trying to reach compromise positions with the parties.
At this late stage the Irish Government faced the grim prospect of quickly changing contingency plans if there was no marked improvement in the prospect of reaching agreement. Our view was that if there was no movement by Thursday lunchtime, it would be best to plan an exit strategy. The contingency plan accordingly was for the two governments to take stock around lunchtime on Thursday and, if necessary, to advise the chairman at that point to set a deadline in the late afternoon for the conclusion of the talks.
Thursday proved to be a more positive day. The Taoiseach and Prime Minister held detailed discussions on a range of outstanding issues, including policing, prisoners, equality and the Irish language. Mo Mowlam, Paul Murphy, Liz O'Donnell and myself were constantly available to the Taoiseach and Mr Blair, as was our Attorney General, David Byrne, on constitutional issues. All played a crucial part, not just during the negotiations but throughout that long, nerve-racking and sleepless night.
Throughout we kept in constant contact with the SDLP, Sinn Fein and the UUP, and agreement on the full Strand Two text was finally reached around midnight.
Agreement was also reached shortly afterwards in relation to Strand One after several hours of intensive negotiation between the SDLP and UUP. During that night of intense negotiation, President Clinton made crucial telephone calls to David Trimble and Gerry Adams and talked at length to the Taoiseach, Mr Blair and John Hume. This support was of immense importance.
At that stage we were well aware that the midnight deadline had come and gone and the extension granted was of a very limited nature. By early morning on Friday, it became apparent to all delegations that an agreement was finally at hand. Delegates began to announce to the press gathered outside that agreement was imminent.
Even at this point difficulties arose. Senator Mitchell initially hoped to put the draft agreement to a plenary session for approval at 9.30 a.m. Yet as the morning dragged on, a number of problems were reported from the UUP delegation.
The plenary was put back successively to the point where serious doubts were being expressed about whether the UUP leader would be in a position to commit his party to the agreement. The problems, which included decommissioning, were, however, dealt with and news came in the late afternoon that the UUP leader was ready to sign up to the agreement.
After months of negotiation, months of political wrangling, agreement had finally been reached - history had been made. I have some outstanding memories of this period and the sometimes odd relationships that we all developed.
Memories of all-night sessions; working furiously some of the time, and lying around on uncomfortable chairs at other times; trying to catch 40 winks; of phoning home sometimes and learning that what was being said on the radio and TV bore little relationship to what was actually happening; of conversations with Reg Empey and Dermot Nesbitt, for whom I developed a deep respect as men who were always true to their own tradition but never afraid to listen and hear another point of view.
Of the so-called working-class loyalists with whom I established a good understanding and finally receiving from Gusty Spence his identity card as a memento of the times; of the passionate dedication of men like Seamus Mallon, who to me is a giant among men; of my gradual understanding of Sinn Fein and my growing respect for Martin McGuinness; of my utter admiration for the courage and doggedness of the Women's Coalition, whose contribution was huge.
Of the sight of members of Ian Paisley's DUP literally dodging behind trees when we would go out for a breath of air, lest they would be contaminated by association with us; and, above all, the integrity, determination and endless patience of the Taoiseach, who could and did out-sit anyone and was prepared to listen forever so that we could at last find peace.
The Good Friday agreement symbolises all that is good and honourable about politics. It symbolises the art of negotiation, compromise, hard work and goodwill.
As Irish politics strives to come to terms with revelations that there were those in public life more interested in serving self-interest than the people of this country, the Good Friday agreement stands as a reminder of what politics is about. It is about putting the people of this country first. It is about providing for their needs, delivering their desire for peace.
It was the adherence to democratic principles, motivated by the desire to copperfasten peace and to remove the gun forever from Irish politics, which led to the successful negotiation of the most groundbreaking agreement of modern times. I pay tribute to all who made this happen.
