Seemingly unfazed by the dozens of gardaí and officials surrounding him, the toddler ran in advance of his mother to take his seat on board the chartered aircraft as it sat on the tarmac at Dublin Airport on February 27th.
He sat down in a row of three seats where he was joined by his mother. Officials guided his father to the row in front where he was seated between two official escorts. The rows in front and behind them were left empty to separate the family from the other 29 passengers who were loaded on the plane.
It was unlikely the young boy was aware he was part of what the Garda had called Operation Trench 9, the first dedicated deportation flight commissioned by the Government in six years.
In all, 32 Georgian nationals were flown to Tbilisi aboard the aircraft.
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It is part of a tougher approach to immigration adopted by Minister for Justice Jim O’Callaghan and his predecessor, Helen McEntee, in response to record numbers of asylum seekers arriving in the Republic.
Chartered deportation flights had previously been discontinued by the Government on the basis that they did not provide value for money.
However, officials believed resurrecting them would not only allow the State to efficiently deport migrants in bulk but would also serve as a public deterrent to other potential asylum seekers.
[ Deportation orders triple as Ireland enforces a ‘firmer approach to migration’Opens in new window ]
“If you’re seeking asylum and you’re not entitled to asylum, don’t come to Ireland,” said Mr O’Callaghan the morning after the operation.
Documents released to The Irish Times, along with interviews with two officials involved in the operation, provide an insight into the huge amount of planning and resources needed for these deportation flights.
Planning for Trench 9 began a year earlier when the Government sought expressions of interest from private carriers as it attempted to “normalise” its approach to deportations.
In November 2024, it entered into a €5 million contract with Air Partner Ltd, a UK-based aviation services company with offices worldwide and which carried thousands of tonnes of military cargo to Iraq during the first and second Gulf Wars.
It was an obvious choice for the Government. Air Partner has been the go-to broker for the UK government for deportation flights, including its aborted plans to fly asylum seekers to Rwanda for processing.
Air Partner also has a contract to provide deportation flights for Frontex, the European Union border security agency.
With the deal signed, organisation of the first Irish flight began in early 2025. A list of Georgians whose asylum claims had been rejected and who had refused to leave the country was drawn up. Gardaí were instructed to locate and detain about 30 adults.
The Georgians were arrested by the Garda National Immigration Bureau and held in Cloverhill Prison for up to three weeks while the flight was arranged.
A human rights monitor, understood to be a retired senior civil servant, was hired on February 5th and briefed on the operation. His job would be to accompany the flight and report on any breaches of human rights, as required by the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture.
Those involved in the “National Chartered Forced Return Operation” underwent a two-day training course. On February 20th, a series of meetings were held to discuss security concerns, along with legal, logistical and human rights issues regarding the flight.
On the day of the flight, Air Partner provided a medium-sized passenger aircraft with the logo of Smartwings, a Czech airline, on its side.
Most of the seats would be taken up not by deportees but by gardaí and other officials. Two escorts would accompany each deportee, while a large backup team would also travel for additional security. A doctor and translator would also fly.
The first deportees to arrive were four Georgian men and one woman who had been previously arrested and held in rural prisons before being driven to the Garda station at Dublin Airport.
[ Just 6% of 2,400 deportation orders this year are enforced or confirmedOpens in new window ]
They were held in a room with an interpreter and several gardaí. When the human rights monitor visited the room, they said they were being treated well. He noted in his report that they had an “ample supply” of sandwiches, fruit and water.
One deportee told the monitor they wanted to stay in the Republic but was informed this was a matter they should discuss with their legal team.
Two prison vans subsequently arrived, carrying another 24 Georgians from Cloverhill. They were put in individual cells on the vans but not otherwise restrained.
The deportation team were informed that they would be carrying one less passenger than expected. That afternoon, one man had successfully applied to the High Court to prevent his removal. However, his baggage still ended up in Tbilisi and had to be sent back by express delivery.
Further meetings were held to discuss the rules of the use of force aboard. Gardaí on the backup team were issued with handcuffs and cable ties to restrain passengers if needed.
However, according to the human rights monitor, these were only to be used “as a matter of last resort”. It was repeatedly emphasised to the team that only one of the deportees had a criminal record, for theft and fraud offences.
However, one of the men had been labelled as “high risk” due to his erratic behaviour while in custody. Another two men were deemed “medium risk” by officials as they were leaving their families behind in Ireland and, as a result, may be more likely to resist deportation. Additional escorts were assigned to these men.
Before boarding, a full search was conducted of the plane and the deportees were screened by airport security. The human rights monitor said the deportees seemed relaxed as they were taken to the aircraft. The family of three were brought separately in a van.
On board, one man complained he could not sit comfortably in his seat and was transferred to an exit row with more space.
The flight departed a few minutes behind schedule and was largely uneventful, aside from two minor medical incidents. Deportees were escorted to the toilets on request by two officers.
The captain briefed the passengers in English on their progress and detainees could communicate with each other between rows.
Shortly after boarding, peanuts were handed out, followed by a full meal – chicken or vegetarian- and dessert. Shortly before landing, they got an apple and a biscuit. “No alcohol or hot drinks were offered,” said the monitor.
After five hours and 15 minutes, the plane landed in Tblisi, where they “were greeted by the Georgian police and customs authorities”, reported the monitor.
The cost for the flight, not including Garda wages, was €102,000 or almost €3,200 per head. Two similar operations have since taken place. In April, another 39 Georgians, including five children, were deported to Tbilisi.
In June, 35 Nigerians, including five children, were deported to Lagos. The Department of Justice said no human rights monitor was present on that flight “due to technical reasons” outside its control.
The three charter operations cost €530,000, leading to criticism over the value for money of such flights.
There has also been criticism of the deportation of children on such flights. Witnesses described the Nigerian children as having been “put in the back of a black van” with 15 minutes notice.
According to one account, the children were prevented from saying goodbye to their friends at the asylum seeker accommodation centre.
Last week, Mr O’Callaghan said he has no plans to cease the deportation of children. “Any such policy would make Ireland an outlier in Europe and could encourage more people to come here with children, knowing that they could not be removed regardless of the outcome of their case,” he told the Dáil.
Meanwhile, more flights are planned for later in the year, while the Government also intends to book seats on deportation flights run by other EU countries.
