The neutrality question

FIFTY years on how has European Union membership impacted Ireland’s foreign policy and global reach? Emeritus Professor Brigid Laffan of the European University believes that, by and large, it has greatly enhanced our footprint in the world since the EU is a significant global actor and as a member state Ireland has a calling-card in that respect.

Speaking in broad political terms, she describes Ireland’s foreign-policy profile as that of “a small northern European state – akin to the Dutch, Danes, Finns, Norwegian and Swedes” , with particular importance given to values, especially human rights and conflict resolution, and she adds that “there is always an emphasis on Ireland’s strong contribution to peace-keeping”.

On the security front Prof Laffan points out that protocols were added to both the Nice and Lisbon treaties to say that nothing in the EU would have an impact on Ireland’s policy of military neutrality. However, this has not prevented Ireland from participating in missions led by the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato).

She continues: “How Ireland will respond to future developments in this area remains unclear, and it is also uncertain where the EU goes from here in relation to defence. There is and will continue to be pressure on the EU to complement and support the development of a European pillar of Nato, and Nato-EU relations will strengthen further.”

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Critics have long suggested that Irish military neutrality has been weakened in an EU context, most recently in relation to Ukraine. However, Brigadier General Ger Aherne (retired), who commanded the EU Military Training Mission to Somalia in 2013/14, points out that we have not participated in the actual military campaign by Ukraine against Russian forces. “To date it has been only financial, non-lethal equipment and supplies, and an offer of military training in the future.” He notes that this is in line with the programme for government agreed in 2020 between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Greens.

Looking at the broader picture, he says: “There will never be an EU army within its conventional meaning. Member states would never allow it, most particularly in terms of the EU having an independent, standalone, full-spectrum intelligence capability, an essential requirement for such a force. There will be enhanced EU military cooperation, but never an EU army.

“Ireland’s EU military deployments are limited more by financial issues rather than policy. Because of the EU’s ”‘Costs Lie Where They Fall” Athena Process budget model, each member state is fully liable for its contingents’ costs. In the EU mission in Chad, in 2007/08, one year’s deployment of 450 Defence Forces personnel cost the Irish Exchequer €59 million. As for UN military deployments, these are at worst cost-neutral, and normally cost-positive to Ireland’s Exchequer.”

Former diplomat Rory Montgomery, who served as Ireland’s permanent representative to the EU from 2009 to 2013, said: “In the 50 years since 1973 the EU’s foreign policy role has steadily increased. The focus of Irish diplomacy (apart from when we’re on the United Nations Security Council) moved away substantially from the UN to the EU, from accession onwards.

“However, notwithstanding the expansion of the EU’s ambitions and structures, its foreign policy record has been patchy and below expectations (with the huge exception of Ukraine). The largest member states often prefer to act in small groups (e.g. on Iran and Bosnia) and divisions among member states can lead to lowest common denominator policies.

“The trickiest issue for Ireland has consistently been participation in European security and defence policy. So far we’ve managed to balance three considerations in treaty negotiations and day-to-day: not blocking those who wish to progress, maintaining our own red lines and keeping open the option of joining in specific missions.

“The question is, how far will the Ukraine experience accelerate a push for an autonomous European defence capacity, which could pose serious challenges for us. However, people have been crying wolf for decades.”

On EU membership in general, former political director at the Department of Foreign Affairs, David Donoghue, says Ireland has always recognised that its interests and values would be best served as part of a union of 450 million people rather than standing on its own.

“EU membership over the past 50 years has significantly enhanced our ability to pursue our foreign policy objectives, including global peace and security, the protection of human rights and the rule of law, international development and disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation.

“Ireland’s role in helping to shape the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has enabled us to promote our values in a much broader framework and to make a distinctive contribution to Europe’s external engagement. We have been able to punch well above our weight as a small island nation, using our EU and CFSP membership to acquire influence over key global agendas and achieve an international impact which would have been unimaginable prior to accession.”

Donoghue, who has also served as head of the Irish Aid programme and ambassador to the United Nations, continues: “EU development programmes reinforce significantly the contribution we are making on our own behalf to the achievement of a more equal, peaceful and sustainable world.”