THE shadow of Lisburn hung over all of us this week. Nobody had been holding out very much hope about the bona fides or pacific intentions of the Provos for a very long time now. The death of Garda Jerry McCabe, the Clonaslee bomb factory, the attack in Germany and the bomb finds in London made it difficult to believe other than that the Provo attitude to democratic methods was very much less than semi detached.
Indeed, the clear evidence that at all times during the peace process the Provos continued to plan new terrorist attacks was not in any real doubt in here and has long cast a huge question mark on whether or not we had all been conned from day one. Lisburn put paid to any lingering doubts there may have been.
Albert Reynolds was right to do what he did over two years ago. Even as things stand much good has come of the peace process. Against the backdrop of 27 years of troubles and 50 years before that of political paralysis, real progress has been made.
Things will never be the same again. Or will they? After Lisburn nothing can be taken for granted and it is the sight of the awful abyss opening up which is so frightening.
Sinn Fein's credibility has taken an awful hammering this past while. When the ceasefire was called Sinn Fein got a welcome and a sympathy in here its leaders could not have expected. Most people wanted to believe them and wanted to see them make their mark as serious democratic politicians. Today, nobody or very few - believes them, and most of us feel nauseated when faced with the constant retreat to self protective self serving cliche which they give us as a substitute for serious political dialogue.
And yet, Thursday's emergency debate was calm, though underlain by a deep sense of anger.
There were strong and good speeches from both John Bruton and Bertie Ahern but it was Mary Harney who best caught the general mood in here and best expressed our anger. In Drapier's view this anger which we all feel extended quite rightly to the constitutional politicians in Northern Ireland.
The unionists especially have shown no real sense of responsibility and very little willingness to realise that they can be the real winners from a workable and stable Northern Ireland. David Trimble has been a huge disappointment and has frittered away much of the goodwill that was there when he was elected leader of the UUP.
Nobody is talking of giving up or giving in. But if any political progress is to be made then the so called "centre" in Northern Ireland must begin to assert itself. Otherwise the governments will have no real option but to go for an imposed settlement. And nobody would look forward to that with any sense of equanimity.
THE other big story this week was hepatitis C. Michael Noonan has been getting a hard time, with some of the attacks well over the top. Drapier very much excludes Maire Geoghegan Quinn from this. It has been a good week for Maire with strong authoritative performances at a number of levels, and, in Drapier's view, she is one of her party's best media and Dail performers. Her timing isn't bad either.
In Drapier's view Michael Noonan has performed with both competence and care. He inherited a modern day nightmare for which no minister over the period involved can have been responsible. He had no precedents to guide him and has had to wend his way through a jungle of legal, political and personal minefields.
No matter what he did he could not win. Nor can he, because the real anger which the unfortunate victims very rightly feel, and which is felt on their behalf, must find a target and this is where Michael Noonan finds himself. He was right to move speedily this week to establish a Tribunal of Inquiry and he is equally right to insist that the political accountability for the whole matter rests with the Dail.
As a parliamentarian Drapier supports that view. Let the tribunal be set up, get to work, find the truth and then let the pieces fall where they may.
The Dail and its committees have shown themselves well capable of establishing political facts and blame in matters of this kind, and given that such proceedings are televised, will ensure maximum public access. That is what the victims say they want, and in Drapier's view they deserve no less. But what intrigues Drapier at present is that many of the new "revelations" were outlined in full in Miriam Hederman O'Brien's report many months ago.
Drapier is sceptical of cover up and conspiracy theories and would prefer to let the tribunal and the Dail be the judge of all that. Let us first get the stark unadorned facts and then do our business. And then, as John Wilson might say, fiat justitia ruant coeli.
LAST week Drapier mentioned the future intentions of our President.
Drapier does not know any more than anyone else of her inner thinking but his best view is that Mary Robinson has still to make up her mind. His gut feeling is, however, that she will not go again. Why?
First, as things stand, her place in history is secure. Seven more years would add little and might even begin to subtract from her stature.
If she retires and even if the UN job is not there, the world is still her oyster. She could pick and choose from prestigious international assignments, while letting her family have the benefits of a private life. Peter Sutherland has shown what is possible but he would only be a trailblazer if Mary set her mind to it.
Drapier would put a small bet at this stage against a second term. She has it for the asking and if she says "yes" then we can all go back to thinking about the general election or anything else that comes to mind. There simply will be no contest.
A decision to stand down would not please the Government parties. They have no obvious candidate and few suitable volunteers, while Fianna Fail would have to decide between Albert Reynolds, Mary O'Rourke and David Andrews, with no certainty that any is a winner and the likelihood that an internal contest could do some damage. All of which means that John Bruton, Dick Spring and Bertie Ahern will be hoping Mary Robinson decides on seven more years. But don't bet on it.