Ruairi Quinn has dealt with the Magill revelations in a clever and calm way. When I wrote about him following his election victory, I said he wasn't one for outraged rhetoric. This episode has proved that. He could have gone berserk. He could have made himself available to every television show and radio station and blasted away with livid denials.
I suspect that if a similar accusation had been brought against Dick Spring, our ears would still be ringing. Instead, he let the other people mentioned in the article - those from Independent Newspapers - make the running.
Quinn looks to have survived this teacup tempest without any major damage to his public image, but the fact that it happened in the first place is a cause for concern. He is an affable, avuncular person, someone you would include on any list for a night out. He is a good storyteller, and often those stories are against himself.
I found him to be a supportive Cabinet colleague and friendly, even when in opposition. He is also a very able cartoonist and would regularly lighten the mood at Cabinet meetings with this talent. When Labour walked out of Government in 1994 it was he and Brendan Howlin who tried to find a way to repair the administration.
That, combined with his round and cuddly appearance, might make him seem like a political teddy bear but, in common with less-friendly bears, he has teeth. It was he who led the expedition which delivered the "headhunting" ultimatum to Albert Reynolds when the Fianna Fβil-Labour government collapsed.
The fight for the leadership of the Labour Party was not easily won either. When Dick Spring resigned, there was little doubt that Brendan Howlin was his preferred choice to follow him. But Quinn played it well, focusing on his political experience in senior government positions and emphasising his Dublin credentials. (It was in Dublin that Labour had the most ground to make up, having lost eight seats in the previous election.) He even came up with an effective slogan "The face on the poster".
It is arguable whether the opinion poll influenced the result. Internal Labour Party votes are not predictable, certainly not as predictable as those which have taken place in Fianna Fβil. By the time the poll appeared, neither side could have been sure of the result. What is certain is that it incensed the Howlin camp.
This week's events may clear up any doubt in the public mind, but the debate is going to continue within Labour for some time.
Since then Labour has had two by-election wins. Any newly elected party leader would kill for good fortune like that. He may well get another boost in the upcoming Cork by-election.
Quinn's problems are not with his public image, but with the divisions formed during the leadership election. Even though he is a seeker of consensus he doesn't seem to have done that.
He invited Peter Cassells to stand as a Labour candidate in Leinster, which did not go down well with party insiders. When Michael Bell heard about it, he fired a volley across the CassellsQuinn bow. Remembering the Orla Guerin debacle, Cassells withdrew honourably and sensibly.
Quinn's closeness to Bertie Ahern is causing him difficulties with the parliamentary Labour Party. The two men have a close friendship. Both are former ministers for labour and finance.
They have worked well for Dublin whether in local or national government. It would be a natural progression for them to coalesce and form what many pundits believe would be a strong, stable government capable of winning con secutive elections well into the next millennium.
It is precisely that closeness and the perception that Quinn is "really a Fianna Fβiler" which is causing certain colleagues some unease.
WITH the Labour Party leader having been accused of an oldstyle "Fianna Fβil" stroke, those doubts will gain strength. Quinn's first task is to convince his party colleagues quickly that there was and is nothing untoward in his dealings with Independent Newspapers.
The Government is doing well but could not be described as having a solid majority. It is possible that it could collapse at any time. (I personally don't believe it will, but in politics anything is possible).
He won't want to have to fight a tricky general election with a divided party. He has already ruled out his most logical course of action, which would be to form a coalition with Fianna Fβil and save the country from an unwelcome and unnecessary poll.
I believe he has the right character with the right skills to knit his party back together given time. The only question is whether he will have that time and will avoid making any more mistakes like he did with Peter Cassells.
I'm curious about just how smug Fianna Fβil TDs are this weekend. This week's story is typical of the kind of stroke members of that party have been accused of over the years, but this time it was pointed in the direction of one of the whistle-blowers. It turns out the high moral ground is within range of the journalists after all: they just need to improve their aim a little.
I'm sure some of them are wondering whether Quinn might have been able to afford a silver salver rather than a cheap plate for that head he wanted in December 1994.