It used to be said that politics was Ireland's favourite spectator sport. And in a sense it still is, though the stage has moved from the Dail to Dublin Castle or the Public Accounts Committee, there's a cast and chorus to beat Brecht and the action is full of surprises.
Some, including the Taxing Master, James Flynn, seem to think tribunals have taken over from the Dail. This isn't so: they are about different elements of the same business. Inquiry has always been a function of parliament. It's the parliament which decides on the tribunals and receives their reports.
The trouble is, some politicians refuse to recognise that it's for parliament to learn from the tribunals' discoveries and apply the lessons to their political affairs. Instead, those best placed to initiate change wring their hands as fewer and fewer citizens turn out to vote. With a shrug, they acknowledge that one of the reasons for this - as confirmed in the latest Irish Times/MRBI poll - is loss of confidence in politics and politicians.
Then they fail to take the action that's patently needed to restore confidence. Or they propose measures that, in the end, are more likely to add to public cynicism and unease.
Bertie Ahern made a promising start to an article published here on December 4th. He frankly admitted that the revelations at Dublin Castle had been deeply disturbing to the public. He acknowledged the loss of confidence in politics and politicians. He said the Government had "initiated the most thorough and far-reaching inquiries into public affairs, not only in the history of this State, but in the recent history of most democratic countries".
He had said this already, not once but on his arrival as party leader, on his election as Taoiseach and at every appropriate public gathering since. The repetition could be forgiven if he was being sincere.
He went on: "I am announcing a set of proposals which meet the need for modernisation and transparency, while at the same time allowing for the continuing development of a fully inclusive body politic."
The first proposal was to create "a new statutory basis for the prevention and prosecution of corruption". It seems an obvious, indeed essential, measure.
When Mr Justice McCracken examined the affairs of Charles Haughey and Michael Lowry, he concluded: "It is quite unacceptable that a member of Dail Eireann and in particular a cabinet minister and Taoiseach should be supported in his personal lifestyle by gifts made to him personally.
"It is particularly unacceptable that such gifts should emanate from prominent businessmen within the State. The possibility that political or financial favours could be sought in return for such gifts, or even be given without being sought, is very high, and if such gifts are permissible, they would inevitably lead in some cases to bribery and corruption."
The McCracken report was published in autumn 1997, a few months after the Fianna Fail/Progressive Democrats coalition arrived in office. Some 3-1/2 years later, the Bill of which Ahern wrote has completed its second stage.
Ahern's list included "the introduction of legislation to protect whistle-blowers". A sound idea, and a useful weapon in the fight against corruption. Except that the Bill in which Pat Rabbitte proposed it has been gathering dust since it got to its second stage in the Dail 18 months ago.
"The introduction of legislation to regulate lobbyists" is another worthwhile proposal. It's a pity that when the Bill that would have done so was proposed by Ruairi Quinn, the Government defeated it in the Dail.
Ahern refers to "the imposition of limits on the size of donations to politicians and parties", which sounds fine. Until you realise that what Noel Dempsey has done in the new Electoral Bill is to increase the limits set by Brendan Howlin in 1997 by 50 per cent.
Howlin's Electoral Act set limits on spending of £14,000 in a three-seat constituency, £17,000 in a four-seater and £20,000 in a five-seater, with increases in line with the consumer price index. Dempsey proposes figures of £20,000, £25,000 and £30,000. It would allow Fianna Fail to spend an extra £1 million on a general election.
And where Howlin allowed unspecified minor spending - on meals for canvassers, for example - Dempsey sets a figure of £100 a sitting without a limit on the number of sessions. In line with Ahern's promise of modernisation, Dempsey proposes the introduction of electronic voting in constituencies chosen by the Minister, with technical complications which have provoked howls of derision from the Opposition.
"We're going to make Florida look like a democracy," said Eamon Gilmore of Labour. "By the time the Minister is finished with us Tallahassee will be held up as a model of efficiency, hanging chads and all."
When John Bruton and Jim Mitchell produced proposals for the reform of the Oireachtas, and some changes in the way in which tribunals go about their business, Seamus Brennan complained that they had lifted some of the ideas from the Government. His own proposals were to show how foolish the complaint was.
Now, who in their senses would want to lift old Fianna Fail strokes from Ahern and Dempsey?