Building on the imperfect peace

It is now 10 years since the Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire and Sinn Féin embarked upon the process of becoming the largest…

It is now 10 years since the Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire and Sinn Féin embarked upon the process of becoming the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland.

Momentous change took place during those years as the two communities drew back from the brink of civil war and, encouraged in particular by the SDLP and the Ulster Unionist Party, accepted the terms of the Belfast Agreement, the reform of policing and the introduction of devolved government. Great distrust and sporadic political breakdown has marked this evolution towards a normal, democratic society. But the distance travelled can be measured in saved lives. In the two months leading up to the 1994 ceasefire, 17 people were murdered by paramilitary organisations. In the years since, the scale of violence has diminished considerably.

In spite of considerable social and security advances, life in Northern Ireland is still lived close to the edge. Sectarianism and racism have not gone away. Paramilitary organisations from both communities are engaged in criminal activities. And the fear and hatred generated by a quarter of a century of violence still surfaces at times of tension. It will take determination, courage and political skill by all concerned to develop the roadmap contained in the Belfast Agreement and to re-establish a power-sharing executive.

A special conference has been arranged by the governments in an attempt to re-establish the various institutions. For the past number of weeks, the leading parties in that process - the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin - have been making positive noises. Both Mr Peter Robinson and Mr Gerry Adams have emphasised their anxiety to reach agreement. But the difficulties involved are immense and it may not be possible to overcome them at the September conference.

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Guns and paramilitary activity are at the heart of the problem, along with a need for republicans to embrace democratic, community policing. Mr Robinson has said the DUP would favour the devolution of policing and justice powers, as sought by Sinn Féin, but only after the IRA had finally and irrevocably gone out of business.

And while Mr Adams has recognised that unionists have understandable concerns in relation to the IRA, and has envisaged its eventual disarmament and disbandment, he appeared to regard such change as part of a confidence-building programme, rather than its precursor.

There is little doubt that both parties wish to participate in devolved government and in the normalisation of politics in Northern Ireland. But a great deal of talking will have to be done with the two governments - and this must involve the UUP and the SDLP - to tease out precisely what is on offer and what is acceptable. The refusal of the DUP to talk directly to Sinn Féin while the IRA remains an armed force adds to the difficulties. But the parties know what is required to bring about success. They should look at the distance that has been travelled in 10 years and resolve to finish the job.