When the US recently celebrated the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, I found myself reflecting on another US president from a different time, whose internationalist vision shaped the post second World War order. President Franklin D Roosevelt probably did more than any single individual to defeat fascism and shape the international order after the war.
During his first two (of four) terms, he led the US out of a deep economic depression with his New Deal, mobilising millions of unemployed workers in public works programmes such as rural electrification and school building. He overhauled American capitalism by reforming the banking and financial system. His administration leveraged the power of federal agencies and created a social safety net, arguably saving American democracy from political extremism for a couple of generations.
In the 1930s, when the US was still recovering from the Great Depression and first World War, isolationism had considerable political and popular support as Spain, Italy, Japan and Germany succumbed to fascist dictators. However, well before Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, Roosevelt recognised the US would have to join the war, or else face a world order inimical to democratic institutions and western security.
Although a series of neutrality acts prohibited the US from taking sides, he set about persistently reshaping public sentiment in support of entering the war, with “fireside chats” that softened public resistance, and by persuading Congress to allow the US sell and lease arms to the allies. Once the vast production capacity of the US was redirected to the second World War effort from 1941, there was no prospect of an Axis victory.
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Roosevelt’s enduring impact is not just that he had a vision of a democratic world order, but he had the unparalleled leadership qualities necessary to bring this about. He recognised the existential threat posed by Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, and years before the war was even over began to construct the postwar international architecture that survives today, albeit in a significantly weakened form.
Notwithstanding his blind spots (that include extramarital affairs, misjudging Stalin, a failure to ease visa restrictions for Jewish refugees and the incarceration of the Japanese), Roosevelt possessed remarkable leadership qualities: charisma, skill, decisiveness, boldness and vision. He had a moral conviction and clarity that lent a consistency to his decision-making even as pragmatism necessarily forced awkward compromises.
Roosevelt’s legacy contrasts with the backward-looking, short-termist and populist politics of today (much of it unfortunately led by the current US president), as we too face another existential crisis in the form of climate change and catastrophic biodiversity loss.
It might seem strange to compare the threats posed by climate change to those of fascism. But the climate crisis cannot be addressed without strong leadership, moral clarity, a vision for the future without fossil fuels, and a whole-of-economy mobilisation. We would do well to consider what would have happened if the US had decided to turn its back on Europe in the 20th century and imagine where we would be now.
Europe has already witnessed unprecedented and record-breaking heat, wildfires, marine heatwaves and droughts this summer, with a predicted super El Nino coming in the autumn as well. The economic impacts of extreme heat on food prices and inflation are only just beginning to surface. With Europe already experiencing 1.5 degrees of warming, and more than 90 per cent of the excess heat stored by the oceans, things are going to get much, much worse.
At the current rate of accelerating global warming, 2 degrees of warming is likely somewhere between the 2030s and mid-century. Climate scientists believe that 2026 or 2027 will be the warmest year on record with global heating up to 1.7 degrees above the pre-industrial average. If this is not the equivalent of a security threat, as Patrick Bresnihan pointed out last week, then what is?
Since the current Government came into office, Ministers have insisted they are still committed to climate action and they regularly pooh-pooh talk of EU compliance costs and fines. Government officials are tripping over studies, plans and reports, consultations about plans, and internal government reports that highlight implementation failures and delays. Out of 74 legacy actions tracked across successive climate action plans, 64 remain delayed, with only 10 delivered by quarter two of 2026.
Spreadsheets, numbered lists and “gates” give the impression of policies that move towards a conclusion, but these publications show a poor rate of implementation. An illusion of busyness might be the goal here. In reality, they actually convey non-decision-making that is characteristic of Irish climate policy today, for example, when it comes to phasing out fossil fuel boilers, or eliminating environmentally damaging and climate-polluting subsidies. Plans and strategies will pave the way to climate hell, unless they are actually implemented.
Ireland has never been wealthier. We have no fossil fuel interests to speak of that require the State’s protection. We have plentiful renewable energy resources, a well-educated population and a temperate climate. We have never been in a better position to take decisive action to end our dependence on imported gas and oil.
But where is the political leadership?
