Whether the IRA will put all weapons beyond use is still unclear, reports Mark Brennock,Chief Political Correspondent
Yesterday's statements from the IRA and the Sinn Féin president, Mr Gerry Adams, read together, represent a very substantial advance on what the IRA had to say last April.
Almost all participants in the political process in Northern Ireland, Ulster Unionists included, have accepted that yesterday's statements could reasonably be interpreted as a statement by the IRA that "the war is over".
However yesterday's report from the head of the decommissioning body, Gen John de Chastelain, was less convincing. Mr Trimble said what had been expected were "clear transparent reports of major acts of decommissioning".
He conceded that "there may indeed" have been a major act of decommissioning as required. But due to IRA insistence - so far - that Gen de Chastelain give only minimal details, we have no way of knowing.
The benchmark against which the IRA's statement of its future intentions was always going to be measured was set in paragraph 13 of the Joint Declaration by Mr Blair and Mr Ahern last May.
Similarly, the benchmark against which its acts of decommissioning would be judged is in paragraphs 14 and 15 of the same Joint Declaration.
Firstly, in relation to the IRA's future intentions, paragraph 13 says: "Paramilitarism and sectarian violence therefore must be brought to an end, from whichever part of the community they come. We need to see an immediate full and permanent cessation of all paramilitary activity, including military attacks, training, targeting, intelligence gathering, acquisition or development of arms and weapons, other preparations for terrorist campaigns, punishment beatings and attacks and involvement in riots.
"Moreover, the practice of exiling must come to an end and the exiled must feel free to return in safety. Similarly, sectarian attacks and intimidation directed at vulnerable communities must cease."
The IRA statement given to the two governments last April fell short of this.
It expressed the right sentiments, sounded positive, but did not give clarity.
"We are resolved to see the complete and final closure of this conflict," it said. "The IRA leadership is determined to ensure that our activities, disciplines and strategies will be consistent with this."
It added: "The IRA poses no threat to the unionist people or to the peace process."
This was not seen as enough by either government or the Ulster Unionists. A resolution "to see the complete and final closure of this conflict", and an assurance that it poses no threat was not the same as saying the activities specified in the Joint Declaration were at an end.
Yesterday, in a roundabout way, the IRA moved specifically to rule out future activity.
It did this, not through saying so directly, but by saying that a speech given yesterday morning by Mr Adams, "accurately reflects our position".
In the speech, Mr Adams said the implementation by the two governments and the parties of their commitments under the Belfast Agreement would allow republicans and unionists to "pursue their objectives peacefully, thus providing full and final closure of the conflict".
This is very meaningful, as the British government and the Ulster Unionists were expected yesterday to announce just that - the implementation of the remaining commitments - and so by implication this would provide for "full and final closure of the conflict".
There is no obvious difference between saying that the conflict is fully and finally closed, and that "the war is over".
In addition - in his speech which the IRA said "accurately reflects our position", Mr Adams said: "We are opposed to any use or threat of force for any political purpose".
Mr Adams prefaced this part of his speech by saying he was speaking as president of Sinn Féin.
However, the Ulster Unionists understood the IRA to say that Mr Adams's entire speech accurately reflected its position. If so, this is a definitive and historic statement - not just that it will not engage in violent activity but will oppose those who do.
This was yesterday being accepted by the governments and the Ulster Unionists as fulfilling the commitment required in paragraph 13 of the Joint Declaration that all paramilitary activities must come to an end.
As Mr Blair's official spokesman said yesterday: "Different sides will express themselves in different ways but so long as we mean the same thing, that's the important thing."
However in relation to putting weapons beyond use, or decommissioning, the conditions set out in the Joint Declaration appear not to have been fulfilled.
Paragraphs 14 and 15 of the Joint Declaration say, in relation to putting arms beyond use: "The two governments continue to believe that putting all arms beyond use remains an indispensable part of implementing the agreement. Paramilitary groups need to make it clear that they have made such a historic act of completion."
Yesterday, Gen John de Chastelain reported that he had indeed witnessed a third event at which weapons were put beyond use.
The IRA, meanwhile, said it was "committed to resolving this issue".
It said its representative would now meet the decommissioning body "with a view to proceeding with the implementation of a process to put arms beyond use at the earliest opportunity".
The general further explained that the weapons he had seen put beyond use yesterday included "light, medium and heavy ordnance".
These included Semtex explosives and automatic rifles, and included weapons such as, but not necessarily including, RPGs and mortars.
However there was no further detail, no indication of whether, say, half the IRA arsenal had been destroyed, or whether just a small proportion of had been put beyond use.
Nor was there any indication given as to when the next act would take place, or how long it would take to put all weapons beyond use.
So while the Joint Declaration prescribed that the act of putting weapons beyond use should involve clarity, there was no great clarity yesterday as to how the process was going.
As Mr Trimble said, there may indeed have been the major progress required, but as the IRA had told the general not to give any more details, how was anyone to know for sure?
Last night, as the Taoiseach, the British Prime Minister, Gen de Chastelain, Mr Trimble and Mr Adams were all involved in further efforts to save the deal, this was the question that remained.