An article by the Russian Prime Minister, Mr Vladimir Putin, Russia at the turn of the Millennium, is the first major policy statement of his term.
It clearly opposes the idea of Russia becoming a western-style liberal democracy, but advocates free-market economic principles.
In putting the market before democracy there are echoes of policies implemented in China, the country which has become Russia's new ally on the international political scene.
Coming after the success of his supporters in the elections for the State Duma earlier this month, these proposals stand a better chance than is usual in Russia of being implemented. It should he remembered, however, that a bigger election still, that for the presidency of the Russian Federation will take place in June, and Mr Putin will be a candidate.
The article therefore, not surprisingly, pushes a number of electoral buttons. It re-states Russia's aspiration to return to the international scene as a world power.
It strongly hints that all efforts will be made to ensure that Russians will not have to endure further economic sufferings. Both these aspirations are in line with the wishes of the electorate and would be definite vote-getters in a presidential election.
One can expect these policies to be repeated again and again on the major nationwide TV channels, both of which are controlled by government supporters, as the presidential campaign gets under way. Regardless of whether these aims can be achieved, the fact that they have been stated is likely further to improve Mr Putin's popularity rating.
There could, of course, be banana skins strewn across Mr Putin's path between now and the June elections. Up to now his popularity has depended almost entirely on Russian successes in the current Chechen war. Russians, once again on the main TV channels, are being treated to scenes of unstoppable victories by their troops without too much mention of uncomfortable things such as casualties.
When the war ends, regardless of the number of soldiers killed, the public's attention will inevitably be drawn to Russia's economy, an issue which up to now Mr Putin has rarely addressed. Western investors have naturally been sceptical of putting their money into Russian enterprises particularly after the collapse of the economy in August 1998.
The fact that Mr Sergei Kiri yenko, the prime minister who presided over that collapse, is now emerging as the main economic adviser to Mr Putin, may have done little to assuage their fears. But the stress he has placed on investment may help overcome some of these fears, as will the proposals to clamp down on crime. Strong state involvement in the economy could, however, have the opposite effect.
His backing away from liberal-democracy will be a worrying factor for human-rights activists both inside and outside Russia.
He promises that there will be no return to totalitarianism but his views on establishing a strong state as the guarantor of order and as the initiator and driving force of all change will evoke mixed reactions.
Some Russians will welcome these views, others, particularly those who have suffered political repression, will be sceptical in the extreme, bearing in mind Mr Putin's KGB background.