GINO Gallagher was always on time. He often reprimanded colleagues for their lack of punctuality. He arrived to sign on at the social security office on the Falls Road at exactly 11 a.m. every fortnight.
Usually a friend went with him. On Tuesday he went alone. He was talking to the woman at the counter when a man approached from behind. He didn't get a chance to look round. Four bullets were fired into the back of his head. Gallagher (32) slumped to the ground. He died instantly.
As the dole office descended into chaos, the killer calmly walked out. He was in his mid 2Os but well disguised in a woollen cap, pony-tail wig and glasses. He was only 5'3" tall.
The INLA vowed revenge and immediately began an investigation. So far there have been no concrete clues. "It was an unbelievably clean killing," says one source in the Irish Republican Socialist Party, the INLA`s political wing.
"People in the dole office, the street, the houses nearby were all questioned. Nobody really saw anything. We don't know if the gunman acted with others or alone. We don't know where he drove to. No car has been found. He did a very professional job."
Four groups of people could, in theory, have been responsible: loyalist paramilitaries, disgruntled former INLA members, elements of British intelligence, or the IRA.
In June 1994 Gallagher shot dead three loyalists on the Shankill. But the INLA has ruled out UDA or UVF involvement, believing that a loyalist assassin would not move so confidently in a republican area.
HE RUC and Sinn Fein politicians have pointed to an INLA feud. The group has historically been riven by internal disputes and it suffered serious difficulties last April.
A statement was read out in a Dublin courtroom after four men from the North were arrested following an arms find in Balbriggan. It announced an unconditional INLA ceasefire.
Gallagher - supported by others - said that the men lacked the authority to make the statement. He took over as chief-of-staff, and they were expelled from the republican socialist movement. They received almost no internal backing, and a violent split was avoided.
The gut reaction of some members of the INLA is that people loyal to these former members could have carried out the attack. But others think it unlikely. "I don't believe these people are leading suspects," says one source.
"They're a beaten docket. It would be illogical anyway. They wanted an end to violence so why provoke conflict with us by killing Gino?"
So far Gallagher's killing bears no resemblance to previous INLA feuds, when attacks were claimed by each faction. No one admitted responsibility for his death; no splinter group has been set up claiming to be the "real INLA" and gang warfare hasn't broken out on the streets.
There has been some speculation that elements of British intelligence could have been responsible. The INLA, which describes itself as Marxist, is the only paramilitary group in the North which has refused to call a ceasefire. Although substantially smaller than the IRA, it is well armed.
It has engaged in an 18-month suspension of violence, but there was a strong possibility it would eventually return to conflict. Gallagher had said that Irish unity and socialism could not be achieved through constitutional politics. He foresaw violence "having some part to play in our strategy".
"He was a real threat to the state, and some of its agents could have wanted him out of the way before he caused any trouble," says an IRSP source.
One of the most popular and controversial theories is that the IRA killed Gallagher. In an internal IRSP document a fortnight ago he expressed fear that his life was in danger from the IRA. He had also been warned by contacts in the Provisionals that he was at risk.
Gallagher was reorganising the INLA into a more formidable force than it has been in years. It was building a base in, areas where it had been dormant. He had also taken over as the IRSP's national organiser.
LAST month the IRSP refused to make a submission to the Mitchell, Commission, saying to do so would be "collaborating" with the peace process. It had just started giving regular media interviews and it reopened offices on the Falls Road last month.
It was considering contesting any elections to a talks convention in the North and challenging Sinn Fein in nationalist areas. Gallagher's high profile as a gunman made him popular with IRA grassroots and it was feared that he could become a rallying point for dissidents.
"He led an organisation which was nowhere near the size of the Provos," says one republican source, "but he really had them worried. He saw a vacuum emerging as republican supporters became disillusioned with the peace process and he wanted to fill it.
"Given time, he could have caused trouble. It wouldn't be surprising if the Provos wanted to nip that in the bud."
Notably, Sinn Fein didn't condemn the killing. An unnamed spokesman - an unusual move - described it as "tragic". Similar language has been used about the assassination of drug dealers when the IRA has not wanted to admit responsibility.
The IRA has issued a statement denying responsibility but, as one source said, "they aren't likely to admit it". If IRA involvement is established, the INLA would have to decide whether or not to retaliate.
Arguments would be made not to allow the Provisionals to walk over the INLA, but the organisation would also fear being wiped out in a bitter republican feud.
If over coming weeks clues about the killing remain scarce, the less likely it is that former INLA members were involved. "They wouldn't be able to fully cover their tracks," said one source.
"If the group responsible is able to do that, then it's a really professional outfit. That points to the IRA or elements of British intelligence.