RONNIE Flanagan, chief constable designate of the RUC, does not move into his new office in police headquarters in east Belfast until November 4th, but he has already made a highly encouraging start.

With carefully chosen words, committing himself and the RUC to a process of internal reform and police community reconciliation, he has clearly signalled an end to the atrophy and wasted opportunity which characterised the command of the outgoing chief, Sir Hugh Annesley.

Flanagan inherits a police force whose morale is worse than at any time since August 1969. Its standing in the polarised Northern Ireland community has rarely been lower: hostility and alienation from both sides has never been greater.

Its very existence and role are under threat from factions of politicians who have already signalled that a new policing order will be one of the most potent issues on the anvil when the multi party talks at Stormont finally get down to hammering out a political settlement.

Chief constables of the RUC have long been forced to take life and death decisions, confront seemingly intractable problems and deal with a largely unyielding population and elected representatives. But Flanagan's well honed skills as a communicator, his visionary thinking, outstanding police professionalism and deep commitment to the RUC and the Northern Ireland community will be tested to the full by the burden he inherits.

The turbulent convulsions of the 1996 marching season have shown once again that, while the police can all too easily exacerbate the situation in Northern Ireland by excessive or insensitive policing, they cannot solve it. Flanagan has already grasped this, and is set to proceed by pro actively seeking consensus and agreement to the problems which beset his force and its relations with community.

BUT if he is to safeguard the RUC in its present form much beyond its 75th birth day next year, he must move swiftly and decisively to prove his good faith, establish his credibility and head off both his, own voluble detractors and those of the RUC itself. The Drumcree debacle could all too easily turn out to be the RUC's last stand.

As an experienced Special Branch officer, Flanagan is accustomed to presenting an opportunity and threat assessment by analysing intelligence and interpreting political signals. He knows, arguably better than anyone, that all the potential security and political scenarios are fraught with difficulty and danger, for the RUC, and there are no obvious or easy solutions available.

He admitted as much when he said on his appointment that there was no point moving to reduce alienation on the Catholic side only to replace it with alienation among Protestants, or indeed within his own force. Having suffered 297 deaths and thousands of injuries during the years of conflict there is understandable hurt and resentment in the ranks of the RUC.

Even in the present environment of crumbling peace and sectarian bitterness, their sacrifice, bravery and commitment are being quickly forgotten, and the necessity for them to continue as ringholders is being overlooked. Talk of down sizing and reform has created insecurity about police jobs. The lack of leadership from Annesley and the recent attacks on police families have also affected morale.

Flanagan is aware of the sensitivities and raw feelings. But by admitting the need to change the RUC's culture to accommodate women and Catholics, he has signalled a willingness to take on entrenched attitudes and initiate long overdue, fundamental, far reaching internal reform.

RUC "canteen culture" is still stubbornly male, Protestant, British, unionist and laddish. The hard drinking days are gone, thanks to counselling and enlightened and pioneering occupational health surveillance. But there remains a hardcore allegiance to values and practices that compromise the concept of an even handed, impartial police service enjoying the full consent and co operation of all sections of a deeply divided community.

ORANGE and Masonic membership is widespread; only one in 14 officers is from the Catholic faith; officers are required to swear an oath of office pledging to "well and truly serve our sovereign lady, the Queen", and symbols of Britishness royal portraits, union flags and so on abound, to the exclusion of any recognition of the minority tradition.

There is thus a compelling case to be made that, by failing to create a neutral working environment, the RUC has actually breached fair employment legislation.

Given that - rightly - recruitment on merit must remain and positive discrimination is outlawed, the question is whether the RUC can be given a workable derogation from fair employment requirements to enable it to seek to increase the proportion of Catholics in its ranks from the present 7 per cent to something nearer the 40 per cent in the community; as rapidly as possible.

Tackling these symbolic aspects of policing will require accommodation. The Royal Ulster Constabulary name could continue, with the appendage "Northern Ireland's police service" to demonstrate change. The badge, with its harp, crown and shamrocks, could also remain, representing as it does the main traditions on the island of Ireland. Unchanged also could be the distinctive RUC uniform.

The oath of office, the practice of flying the union flag over police stations and such fair employment obligations as prohibiting the display of royal portraits in police stations should be reviewed. Such developments will cause a stir within the RUC and the unionist community at large. But they are imperative if policing is to become a widely accepted community service.

Flanagan's greatest asset is that he is a local man, born and bred in north Belfast. He is well acquainted with the obdurate ways of the North and its citizens; he is respected throughout the community and the RUC for his willingness to learn and listen.

He will have no trouble rebuilding shattered police morale. "Anyone who has ever worked with him would crawl over broken glass on their hands and knees for him," said one police officer.

The trouble will come when he tries to reform the police culture, the mandatory prerequisite to any wider degree of community consent for and co operation with the RUC in the aftermath of the epic misjudgments now collectively known as Drumcree - which so damaged relations.

Flanagan must be not only are former but a reconciler. By also saying that, as a priority, trust must be re established, he has sounded another right note.