IT seems a simple enough question. Do the rights of 57,000 British gun-owners to practise their sport outweigh the right of a child to live? The answer obviously is a resounding no.

But not according to the six Tory members of the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee. They, have defied overwhelming public opinion and thrown their support behind Britain's gun lobby by voting against a ban on private handguns and overruling the views of their five Labour colleagues.

The fact that the MPs chose to announce their decision officially yesterday, five months to the day since Thomas Hamilton burst into the gym at Dunblane primary school shooting dead 16 children and their teacher, made their reasoning even harder to comprehend.

Sir Ivan Lawrence, the Tory chairman of the committee, suggested the public had been swayed by the emotions of Dunblane and accused the anti-gun lobby of "talking out of the back of their heads".

As Britain's powerful gun lobby celebrated, describing the report as "a commonsense judgment on behalf of the shooting community", the Dunblane parents accused the Tory MPs of betraying their children and "insulting their memory". It appears this issue, which should have cut across all party divisions, has been allowed to degenerate into yet another political wrangle.

As Mr Major ponders which side he should take, perhaps he should recall how the Australian Prime Minister, Mr John Howard, dealt with his country's gun lobby following the Port Arthur massacre in April.

In just two months, with cross-party support and the public's backing, Mr Howard introduced legislation banning the use of military-style automatic and semi-automatic rifles. In Britain, the government will not act until Lord Cullen publishes his report into the Dunblane tragedy in September. Even then, there is no guarantee that Mr Major will adhere to his recommendations.

Although Downing Street sources admit Mr Major supports a ban. as does the Scottish Secretary, Mr Michael Forsyth, whose constituency includes Dunblane, other Cabinet ministers are more candid.

The Attorney General, Sir Nicholas Lyell, for instance, lists shooting as a recreation, while the deputy prime minister, Mr Michael Heseltine, and the Home Secretary, Mr Michael Howard, are active members of the Commons Gun Club.

Perhaps the British public should not be shocked that once again their opinion has been ignored. After all, just days after Dunblane a majority of MPs supported the creation of a rifle range at the Commons instead of a creche. And yet one of the abiding images in the aftermath of Dunblane was the deep conviction voiced by politicians from all sides, and the bereaved parents, that no one should ever legally be able to stockpile the number of weapons Hamilton had in his possession as he entered the school.

Fuelled by their grief and determination, the Dunblane parents collected a 700,000-signatory petition calling for a total ban of handguns. They lobbied politicians and won the support of the police federation, teachers, trade unions and the media.

The Labour leader, Mr Tony Blair, physically blanched after one bereaved father asked whether he could imagine his own daughter "lying in a box with a bullet hole in her head", and pledged immediately his party's support.

However, it appears to have been all to no avail. "The fact remains that the Dunblane parents are seeking revenge for the terrible and deeply shocking thing that happened to them They are fuelling a screaming, baying mob and surely in a democracy, public opinion can be wrong on occasion," argued a spokesman for the Shooters Rights Association.

The power of the gun lobby, which represents Britain's 900,000 gun and rifle licence-holders, and its "traditional links" with the Conservative party have been completely underestimated. Over 30 Tory MPs have a strong alliance with shooting organisations, with many holding senior positions within these bodies, and an additional 22 Tories list shooting as a recreation.

After the Hungerford Massacre, when the then prime minister, Mrs Thatcher pledged that gun clubs would be restricted, certain guns would be banned and shooters' rights curbed, around 60 Tory MPs threatened a backbench rebellion and the "Iron Lady" was forced to modify her 1988 Firearms Act.

Within days after Dunblane, this alliance was again in action. A fighting fund was launched, raising over £100,000 sterling. A top London PR/lobby firm, John Kendall Associates was hired. Tory MP, Sir Patrick Lawrence, chairman of the British Shooting Sports council, coordinated the gun lobby's evidence to the Cullen inquiry and the Home Affairs Select Committee.

Shooters were urged to supply their local MPs, particularly those in marginal seats, with "expert comment" on the issue.

FOR THE past five months, the gun lobby has deliberately targeted Tory MPs. Its message is simple - "It's people who are dangerous, not guns". And if that did not work, then mentioning the cost of implementing the ban certainly helped to achieve its aim.

After bandying numerous figures around, the gun lobby warned MPs that the cost of a total ban on handguns, including compensation to the owners and shooting-related businesses could reach £1 billion sterling, with £17 million sterling alone lost in ammunition sales.

The Shooters Rights Association, which represents gunsmiths and distributors, confirmed yesterday it is planning to sue Central Scotland police force for its alleged negligence in granting Hamilton a guns licence, which it claims has subsequently cost the industry "millions" of pounds in lost orders and business.

As the Dunblane parents and the British public digest yesterday's events, one bereaved mother, Mrs Pamela Ross, who lost her five-year-old daughter, Joanna, wondered if the British government would have acted any differently if Hamilton had burst into the House of Commons killing 17 MPs.

"I wonder if you are all living in another world in Westminster, a safe cocoon where the real world no longer touches you," she said.