The text of the speech by the leader of Fianna Fail Mr Bertie Ahern, at an Offaly Fianna Fail Comhairle Dail Ceanntair function, in the County Arms Hotel, Birr, last night.

IT IS important when all parties are trying to create the conditions for a restored and lasting ceasefire and fruitful all party talks, that Government and Opposition in the Republic try as far as possible to present a unified and coherent approach.

Fianna Fail, even where it had reservations, has supported all major inter governmental initiatives over the past year. But we have been very concerned about the loss of confidence in the handling of the peace process, especially among Northern nationalists.

Fianna Fail have tried where possible to make up for that, where we could, to try and make up the balance where it seemed to be lacking. We showed great restraint. Even in a situation of bipartisanship, to which we are committed, it is on occasion right and indeed our duty to make constructive suggestions and criticisms.

The Taoiseach in his speech two days ago in Finglas seemed to address the deficit in confidence in a constructive manner, in a speech which was warmly welcomed by me and by others. The party political attack on me last night will unfortunately do little to further advance the rebuilding of the confidence necessary to underpin a renewed peace.

What is needed most is confidence that there will be a more consistent and reliable approach in the future, as appeared to be signalled two days ago.

Fianna Fail is and always has been a mainstream republican party, committed to exclusively democratic and peaceful methods of resolving the Northern situation. Everyone knows where we stand, and at different times, both in government and opposition, we have reached out to unionists from a clear nationalist perspective to take account of their interests and concerns, without pretending that we were neutral on long term constitutional aims.

There has been a complete continuity of approach between all Fianna Fail leaders in that regard. In putting together the Downing Street Declaration, which was the catalyst for peace, we broadened it out from being a document that addressed purely nationalist concerns, to one that addressed unionist and loyalist ones as well.

Fianna Fail is very proud of the part that we played in government in bringing peace to Northern Ireland. Peace has meant that everyone in Northern Ireland has been free from attack, and can go about their business in safety.

This has also had a very beneficial effect on economic opportunities, which I have been glad to discuss with Northern businessmen and Northern chambers of commerce. The approach which brought about the ceasefire was at times subject to heavy domestic political criticism but it is widely recognised that Fianna Fail was central to bringing it about.

The negotiations on the Downing Street Declaration involved constructive communication between Fianna Fail in government and loyalists via the Rev Roy Magee. Fianna Fail has not wavered at any stage in its support for the principle of consent, as the essential counterpart to the right of self determination.

As leader of Fianna Fail, I have had a number of fruitful contacts with loyalist politicians and community leaders, some of whom have been invited to speak at Fianna Fail conferences, as well as with the Ulster Unionist Party.

Fianna Fail were the only constitutional party last year in the entire island to speak out strongly about the situation of both loyalist and republican prisoners, to take a realistic position about decommissioning, both loyalist and republican, and to argue publicly from early on the case that the loyalist parties had to be at the table.

I also visited both loyalist west and east Belfast and discussed problems of unemployment and inner city regeneration affecting both communities, where our own experience in Dublin is relevant.

It would be wrong and dangerous, however, to give any impression that in virtue of such contacts or the ceasefire itself limits must now be placed on legitimate democratic debate and discourse, or action, or to suggest that a democratic nationalist consensus, provided that it is for peace, is subject to a loyalist veto.

I would be very disturbed at any implication that democratic debate has to be circumscribed. Everyone has been impressed by the restraint of the loyalist organisations, which will enhance their standing in the future. There is evidence to suggest that some loyalist politicians are being subjected to scurrilous attacks from within their own camp, and of course they will shortly be fighting an election.

We are all looking for a balanced accommodation that will respect the rights of both unionists and nationalists, and that can command the consent of both. In terms of justice, participation and equality there is still an imbalance in their respective situations, which has been at the core of the Troubles, and how it is to be corrected is a large part of what has to be addressed in the course of all party negotiations.

It is important that there be clarity at all levels over what needs to be achieved. That is the best way of ensuring that the goal of productive and inclusive all party negotiations is attained.