There are naturally many differences of emphasis revealed in this mornings Ireland/UK poll conducted jointly on behalf of The Irish Times and the Guardian. But much more remarkable are the broad similarities and consistencies in attitudes towards the peace process both in Britain and in the two parts of Ireland. If political leaders want to find room to manoeuvre in searching for accommodation and compromise they have it here. The agreement for a meeting between the Taoiseach and the Prime Minister today in London that appeared late last night to be within grasp will open the way for them to do so.
The public is demanding "peace without reservations" in the phrase of Mr Jack Jones whose MRBI company conducted the survey here on behalf of The Irish Times. There is a widespread willingness to compromise on traditionally held beliefs. There is optimism that the peace process is continuing or that it is, at worst, merely stalled. And there is a general conviction that the politicians can and must press towards a solution.
There are clearly critical interpretations of the existing impasse. More than 70 per cent of those polled in Northern Ireland and in Britain blamed the IRA as the source of the peace breakdown. In the Republic, that figure is a little over 50 per cent. And there is widespread and consistent support for the view that the IRA must either resume its ceasefire or decommission its weapons in whole or in part before Sinn Fein is allowed full participation in all party talks.
But the survey also shows substantial dissent among the British public from Mr Major's election proposals while there is strong support for Mr John Hume's suggestion of referendums to be held on the renunciation of violence and on the holding of all party talks. And remarkably, 4,5 per cent of those surveyed in Britain blame Mr Majors government in some part for the breakdown in the peace process.
The findings confirm the trend of other surveys of recent times which show a marked tendency away from entrenched positions, most notably in the Republic and in Britain. Attitudes within Northern Ireland, and particularly among the unionist community, are not changing with the same rapidity. But there is a particular relevance for Mr Major in what the survey tells about the state of opinion among the British public.
The settlement of an early date for all party talks is universally regarded as an important next step. Any fears by the British government that there would be deep public resistance to such an initiative, or that it might be interpreted as yielding to pressures from else where, may be discounted. Nor is mainstream British opinion locked into any preconception on the shape of a final settlement for Northern Ireland. There is a general view that the Border is not especially important and opinions are broadly spread as what the constitutional future should be.
Much more significant than any fixation with specific demands is the overwhelming impression afforded by the poll that the public mood is impatient for evidence of progress. Mr Major showed on Monday night, when he rejected any idea of a deal with the Ulster Unionists, that he is capable of the necessary detachment from short term political advantage that is required of him and Mr Bruton as facilitators. Mr Trimble may have learned something about the limits of intransigence that his more wary deputy, Mr Taylor, already knows traditional posturing no longer pays. Sinn Fein and the IRA, too, must acknowledge the deep felt desire for peace.
There are still many uncertainties but if a timetable leading to talks is announced today, it will help to concentrate political minds on the real state of popular opinion. That is long overdue.