Tackling Limerick's crime epidemic requires more than just rebuilding huge housing estates, writes Kathryn Hayes.
IN THE space of a few hours in Limerick last Saturday afternoon, a tale of two cities unfolded. For these two economically and socially polarised elements of the city, it is typically a case of never the twain shall meet; the Limerick of vibrancy and wealth rarely crossing paths with the disadvantaged and marginalised swathes.
Just as thousands of Munster fans who had packed into city pubs were toasting yet another epic win in joyous, celebratory form, word was spreading of the shooting dead of Mark Moloney only a short distance from the city centre. Less than 48 hours later, 20-year-old James Cronin was discovered buried in a shallow grave.
Within a short time frame, the best and worst of Limerick was making headlines. The crimes of a tiny minority were undermining the city's reputation yet again.
Both murders are directly linked to a long-running feud that has claimed the lives of 10 people over the last decade. At least two more people, including an innocent security man who refused a drugs gang access to a nightclub, have died violently at the hands of these same gangs.
People in Limerick are angry and hurt as an overwhelming acceptance sets in that we have, indeed, a very significant and specific gangland problem. But what has also emerged in recent days is a strong feeling that, as a city, we need now to be proactive rather than reactive; we need to find a solution rather than talk about a problem.
Rarely before has there been such a public outcry of revulsion from within the city. Limerick people have taken to the national airwaves in rage over the toll on human life and their city's reputation. They are frustrated at the violence and the constant negative spotlight shining on the city. Many people's reaction to offers from a local solicitor and parish priest to mediate between the rival factions ranged from fury to disbelief.
Because, sadly, Limerick has been here and seen it all before. In 2003, we experienced what then seemed to be a criminal watershed when gangland feuding took hold of the city in a way like never before. It is regarded as a major turning point in the feud because it saw the arrival of a third criminal gang into the equation: the notorious Dundon/McCarthy faction, who entered the fray when they identified an opportunity to dominate the lucrative drugs market by joining ranks with Eddie Ryan's gang to take out rival crime boss Kieran Keane. Up until the late 1990s, Keane had enjoyed a highly profitable alliance with his former associate Eddie Ryan, who was shot dead in a city pub in November 2000.
Speaking in the wake of the latest two killings, Chief Supt Willie Keane alluded to an important social issue fuelling the desire of teenagers - some as young as 14 - to enter the bloodbath. One such 14-year-old is currently in custody charged in connection with a shooting which took place just hours after gardaí stopped him while he was driving a car and wearing a bullet-proof vest. Unfortunately, said Chief Supt Keane, many of these young boys come from dysfunctional families where there are no great parenting skills, no role models and no control. The gangs, he added, are seen by these teenagers as "the family" and this is a cycle that must be broken.
Tragically, it was against this same dysfunctional background that two young children suffered horrific burn injuries in an arson attack in the Moyross housing estate in September 2006.
It took this gruesome event to finally focus government attention on the urgent need to address the huge social problems at the core of many of Limerick's issues. The appointment of former Dublin city manager John Fitzgerald to oversee a major plan ensured the local authority finally had the ear of government. Fitzgerald identified and proposed radical regeneration solutions.
Brendan Kenny, who has been charged with directly overseeing the massive regeneration project in the city, was quick to highlight the need to address what he considered the worst social problems he had seen in his 30-year career, even worse than the Fatima Mansions and Ballymun projects he had worked on in Dublin. His comments undermined the complete sense of denial that had existed in many quarters in Limerick about the extent of the city's problems.
Billions of euro are being invested in a plan that will see more than 2,000 homes demolished and refurbished. However, it is not just about rebuilding huge public housing schemes but ensuring resources and infrastructure are put in place to cut off the supply chain that sees young children lured into lives of crime.
Kathryn Hayes is a freelance journalist based in Limerick.