Madam, – When the then taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, returned from having signed the Treaty of Lisbon in December, 2007 he assured us all that everything would be OK and that we need have no worries about agreeing to the ratification of the treaty.
Following the rejection of the European Union constitution (of which the Lisbon Treaty is a rehash) by the French and Dutch people in 2005 an agreement had been reached, he said, that the anthem of the EU and the EU flag – symbols of EU statehood – would be “dropped” in order to allay the fears of the people who feared the increasing power of the European Union.
Yet when the new European Parliament session opened in Strasbourg recently a detachment of combat troops, from various EU member-states led the ceremony and raised an EU flag – twice the size of the national flags around it – to the accompaniment of a military bugle call.
These troops then stood to attention to a full orchestral and choral rendition of Ode to Joy, which is the European Union anthem.
So much for Mr Ahern’s assurances and promises.
The “missive” from the Department of Foreign Affairs, to which Richard Greene (Opinion, 14th July) refers, tells us: “The Government, after discussions with all EU member-states, has ensured that when the Irish people vote on the Lisbon Treaty later this year, it will come with additional legal guarantees and assurances to address their main concerns.”
However, these guarantees and assurances will probably be attached to some future accession treaty – long after the people will have voted (for the second time) on the treaty itself.
Are we expected to believe the pro-Lisbon Treaty advocates?
Richard Greene is absolutely correct in what he says about the Lisbon Treaty.
Once again, we are about to be bullied and misled by those who want to see the Lisbon Treaty ratified. – Yours, etc,
Madam, – The idea that the Lisbon Treaty could open the door to abortion in Ireland is a complete fabrication.
The Treaty would do nothing of the sort. How could it?
The European Union does not have the power to legislate for abortion.
After all, the treaty carries forward the protocol on the right to life of the unborn agreed at the time of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992.
That protocol clearly states that no existing or future EU treaty can affect the application in Ireland of our constitutional protection of the unborn.
Could anything be clearer than this? In the 17 years since its inception our protocol has never been challenged by anyone within the EU.
The package secured by Ireland at last month’s European Council includes an additional guarantee on certain sensitive ethical issues. Our new legal guarantee makes it absolutely clear that the Charter of Fundamental Rights does not affect in any way the protection to the right to life provided for in the Irish Constitution.
This means that the charter cannot be the basis for a legal challenge to Ireland’s abortion laws. Those who make such claims have no respect for facts and no regard for the truth.
The charter only relates to EU institutions and EU laws and does not alter or undermine existing national constitutional protections.
Respected pro-life commentators recognise that this legal guarantee represents a very positive development and that people who had reservations last year about right to life and other ethical issues can now support Lisbon.
The legal guarantees were agreed at last month’s European Council as a decision of the 27 EU heads of state and government.
The EU leaders stated that this decision is legally binding and that it will take effect on the date of entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty.
Heads of state and government do not make such commitments lightly.
The decision will be registered as an international agreement with the United Nations, in accordance with the provisions of the UN charter.
It was also agreed at the European Council that the provisions of the decision will be annexed to the EU treaties as a protocol at the time of the next accession treaty.
A protocol has the same legal force as a treaty.
It will be for the Irish people to decide on the merits of the Lisbon Treaty and the legal guarantees we have now secured.
I believe the treaty is good for Ireland and that we should support it.
I would appeal to those who oppose ratification of Lisbon to stick to the facts and refrain from spreading falsehoods about such issues as abortion.
There is plenty of information available about the treaty.
I would recommend the website www.lisbontreaty.ie which contains objective information on the treaty and the guarantees. – Yours, etc,
Madam, – Of all the contentious questions regarding the Lisbon Treaty and its implications, none has been repeatedly clarified and confirmed more often than on the issue of abortion.
Which is why I was disappointed to read, in a large bold font headline: “Yes vote on Lisbon could open door for abortion” (Richard Greene, Opinion, July 14th).
As far as I am concerned, the new legal guarantee on abortion introduced for the second referendum to be held here is demonstrably superfluous, given that a special protocol clarifying the Irish position has been in operation since 1991 and will still hold if the Lisbon Treaty is fully ratified.
Mr Greene also makes the claim that the legal guarantees registered with the United Nations have no legal standing.
These are, in fact, legally binding in themselves as they form the basis of a contract between all member states under the Vienna Convention on the laws of treaties.
Mr Greene makes a number of other bizarre claims, including that the Lisbon Treaty “could well damage us in the critical areas of jobs and taxes”.
The Lisbon Treaty should be seen primarily as a mode of streamlining the operations of the EU to make it more efficient and cohesive.
Such changes promote economic development and recovery in today’s global economic climate, not work against it.
The bottom line is that if Ireland votes for a second time against the Lisbon Treaty, at the very least, it would place Ireland in a continuing, difficult diplomatic position.
A second national rejection of a positive document outlining natural transitions, that the other member states of the EU wish to benefit from, would not be a recommended course of action for a country suffering more than most from the recession. – Yours, etc,