Could there be a more striking contrast than that between the joyful images beamed yesterday from a sunfilled Downing Street and the grim, familiar political soundbites from the count centres of Northern Ireland? Amidst the cheering crowds, the flowers and the sunshine, the wondrous thing that is a working democracy, with one government displacing another, came to life. In the schools and halls of the North, the emptying ballot boxes confirmed what Winston Churchill memorably characterised as the ancient integrity of Ulster's quarrel.
In a moving speech outside No 10 Downing Street, Mr Tony Blair promised a government of strength, dignity and justice. He spoke of a government which would take "practical measures in pursuit of noble causes". He promised honesty and courage, especially in relation to Europe. He promised to unify the nation. But he promised nothing in relation to that part of the polity he now leads where the army patrols the streets, where men and women are killed or mutilated for the church they attend and where mob rule can face down the forces of law and order. It would hardly be at the forefront of his consciousness as he made his way through to No 10.
But when the cheering dies away and the seats around the cabinet table are allocated, he will have to think about it. And he will not be greatly cheered by his officials' analysis of the poll in Northern Ireland. They will describe the SDLP which has held the line for democracy for more than 25 years under great pressure, increasing its share of the vote but losing at key points to Sinn Fein. They will report that Sinn Fein, without an IRA ceasefire, has succeeded in garnering a higher level of support than in the Forum elections. They will advise him that two Sinn Fein MPs are on their way to London, planning high profile abstentionist tactics. If they have any crumb of comfort to offer him it will be in the consolidation of Mr David Trimble's UUP support and the loss of some ground by the more intransigent unionist groupings.
Mr Blair will have to think about Northern Ireland. And it could profit him to do so. For unlike the hapless Mr John Major, Mr Blair is in an unassailably strong position in Parliament. No party or grouping has him in thrall. A freshly mandated Government could be in office in Dublin in a matter of weeks. And a great deal of work has already been orchestrated by Mr John Hume which could, with a little imagination, lead on to a reinstitution of the IRA ceasefire, in turn creating the necessary preconditions set out some weeks ago by the Secretary of State designate, Dr Mo Mowlam for Sinn Fein to enter the talks process.
There will, of course, be the ritual insistence by Mr Adams and his colleagues that the two governments must immediately recognise Sinn Fein's "democratic mandate" and admit the party unconditionally to the talks when they resume on June 3rd. In reality, they know that there is not the most minute chance of that happening. For whatever may have divided Mr Major's government from that in Dublin and whatever differences in approach may emerge between Tories and Labour, there is and must be seamless unanimity that while IRA violence continues Sinn Fein stays out.
We are at a historic point. For all his goodwill and undoubted decency, Mr Major had neither the parliamentary strength nor the political courage to essay a bold leap forward on the North. Much as the man may have been personally liked, political opinion in this State will not regret his passing, any more than that of his Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Sir Patrick Mayhew. Mr Blair has committed himself to furthering many noble causes (to use his own phrase). But he and Dr Mowlam have a unique and particular opportunity to enter the history books as the architects of a new and lasting settlement between all the people of these islands. That is at least as great a prize as any he mentioned yesterday in Downing Street.