ETHICS IN PUBLIC OFFICE

Few pieces of legislation have been subjected to so much detailed scrutiny as the Ethics in Public Office Act, and probably few…

Few pieces of legislation have been subjected to so much detailed scrutiny as the Ethics in Public Office Act, and probably few have been examined with so much genuine expertise by members of the Oireachtas, or criticised with more heartfelt sincerity.

Shortly before it was passed by the Dail, Mr Hugh Coveney TD described the Bill as "a very severe intrusion" into personal business interests that would deter many people from entering politics. No many others agreed with his argument that while the principle of listing information was good, publishing it was not. In the event, Mr Coveney gave it his vote.

All that is water under the bridge. This State, in the requirement to disclose, is now in line with most other democracies, a criterion which is frequently quoted by our representatives in dealing with other aspects of their terms and conditions. The publication today, for the first time, of the registered interests of, members of the Dail, contains no major surprises. Quite a few TDs have no interests as defined under the Act; some scrupulously list possessions, like their family homes or holiday houses, which strictly speaking do not have to be declared; there may be a few omissions, through oversight, which will need to be made good; and some outstanding wealth, but none unsuspected.

Taken as a whole, however, the list justifies the claim of our politicians to be hardworking men and women, whose outside occupations, as often as not, are unpaid directorships in socially useful organisations that enhance their involvement in the community. If this is a true, picture and there is little reason to doubt it then disclosure will help to "copperfasten the high standards public life has enjoyed", in the words of Ms Eithne Fitzgerald, the Minister responsible, when she wound up debate on the Bill in the Dail.

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But there is more to listing and publication than merely showing, by relative lack of possessions and influence, how representative members of the Oireachtas are (though a properly balanced parliament must include people who have succeeded outside politics). In recent years, there have been a number of cases of perceived conflict of interest involving Ministers and others; these should now, thankfully, be a thing of the past. The spectacle of Government members explaining why they should not resign when these matters have come to light unexpectedly has not done much to maintain respect for public life; and the punishment is often disproportionate when Ministers decide, or are forced, to resign in such circumstances.

It is due to the credit and perseverance of the Minister responsible, Ms Eithne Fitzgerald, that the Act reached the statute book against strong opposition which succeeded in emasculating some of her proposals. Probably the greatest weakness is the difficulty of policing it, and there is on constitutional advice - a glaring anomaly in that elected representatives can be suspended, but without losing their pay, while officials, in serious cases, may suffer both penalties. This said, an important instrument is now in place to deal with one aspect of the perception of sleaziness in public life that some politicians would prefer to close their eyes to. The two by elections this week have underlined how deep the anxiety is.