They were telling "porkies" at Leinster House yesterday. Under pressure to choose between John Bruton and the rebellious group headed by Michael Noonan-Jim Mitchell, some members of the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party went to ground while others panicked and let it be known they would support both camps simultaneously.
It was all about self-protection and career options. It was dangerous to bite the hand that fed you. That way lay political ruin if the exercise went wrong. But the threat of losing a Dail or Seanad seat provided powerful motivation.
The trick was to back the winner without undue risk. Interparty rivalry within constituencies also played a part. An established Bruton loyalist in a constituency was invariably balanced by an opponent. And so it went.
At times like this, when political blood is up, party policies take a back seat. The exercise represents an internal battle over power and the establishment of a new pecking order. It's down and dirty.
There are, however, other factors at work. The divisions which rent the party in the FitzGerald years between liberals and conservatives no longer provide a clear fault-line within FG.
But there are echoes of old alliances that will influence voting intentions. More recent factors, such as the selection mechanism used for Dail candidates, will also have an impact. As will the handling of last year's internal party investigation into payment for planning decisions.
Early yesterday one Dail official estimated that Mr Bruton would win by about 45 votes to 40. He was serious. He had accepted the maximum figures of support claimed by both camps. The official didn't realise the total electorate amounted to only 72 votes.
It was to be expected that John Bruton would receive assurances of support from a majority of his front bench. After all, he had promoted them. And some of the younger members had long-term leadership ambitions of their own. Even then, however, there was no guarantee that all such assurances would be reflected in a secret ballot.
Mr Bruton has the largest number of pledged votes. And last evening he met uncommitted members to argue his case.
Nothing was being taken for granted. The campaign would continue right up to today's ballot. His campaign managers were trying desperately to guard against the possibility that an apparent majority was being fashioned from "false positives", people who offered support while secretly intending to vote against.
MICHAEL Noonan and Jim Mitchell were in a similar bind: how to distinguish a committed rebel from a vacillating backbencher. Still, there was nothing to be gained from holding back. So they went for it. Hesitation could prove fatal. The message was unvarying: John Bruton had to go. It was the only way to save the party from terminal decline.
And, as blood flowed beneath party room doors, Fianna Fail members hugged themselves with delight. Not only was the main Opposition party tearing itself apart within sight of a general election, but it was just possible that John Bruton would survive.
There was another plus. The running story overwhelmed the special debate that had been arranged to examine Liam Lawlor's failure to co-operate with the Flood tribunal in the Dail. And, under cover of Mr Bruton's troubles, the Government slipped out massive new pay awards for politicians, top public servants and members of the judiciary.
As the challenge ground on, it became clear that if Mr Bruton was ousted by his parliamentary colleagues, his replacement would almost certainly be Mr Noonan. Two days of campaigning had left Mr Mitchell looking tired, while his co-challenger had a bounce in his step as he promised change to the party and the country.
Mr Noonan went on RTE television in an attempt to deliver the killer punch. He believed the electorate would not vote for an alternative government, while Mr Bruton remained as leader.
Before the next election, he declared, they needed root-and-branch change in Fine Gael. A new front bench. New policies. A reformed organisation. And different methods for communicating the party's message.
It was a good performance, but it wasn't brilliant. The Fine Gael spokesman on finance had to take some of the blame for the overall performance of the party, even as he complained about Mr Bruton's centralised type of leadership and his failure to communicate with the public.
Within 20 minutes Mr Bruton was on the same programme trying to turn the "heave" into a positive development. The challenge, he said with a straight face, had allowed the public to witness his personal qualities, his skills and his fighting spirit.
As for the future, he wasn't vowing vengeance against the plotters. After tomorrow - when he had been confirmed as leader - he would try to unify the party. Not only that, he would "speak to Michael and Jim" to see how they could move forward together.
It was a neat move. Even under extreme pressure, John Bruton was prepared to act as a healing force. And if Michael and Jim found it impossible to eat humble pie, that would be their problem.
Mr Bruton had impressed even his detractors with his Questions and Answers performance. But they regarded it as a flash in the pan. It was a pity, they growled, that he hadn't shown such energy and sparkle in his recent leadership of the party. If that had happened, this "heave" might never have taken place.