BRITAIN AND EUROPE

The British government's White Paper on the European Union is devoted to the need for a flexible model of integration, which …

The British government's White Paper on the European Union is devoted to the need for a flexible model of integration, which respects diversity and puts the nation state at the centre of negotiations. Unfortunately Mr Major's extremely precarious parliamentary majority has reduced the tactical flexibility of his negotiating position, so that he is less well able," to deliver on this strategic objective. He would probably have preferred not to publish such a document for this reason, because it exposes his government's" minimalist stance on most of the issues, thereby making it more difficult for Britain to find allies.

The document is nevertheless a useful vade mecum and overview of the British government's positions and arguments on the forthcoming Inter Governmental Conference. Despite the recent shift of political emphasis towards the Conservative Party's right wing, it is by no means a capitulation to the Europhobic extreme that has been most vocal. The White Paper insists that Britain's role in Europe is an indispensable guarantee of its national interests and that it is essential to participate fully in decisions that may affect them.

For this reason, it is perhaps best examined from, the point of view of whether these objectives are well served by the methods proposed and the cool responses it catalogues towards other member states' proposals for more integration than Britain is currently willing to contemplate. It is Mr Major himself who has advocated a "multi speed, multi track, multi layered" vision of an enlarged EU, in which member states could effectively pick and choose among a variety of more or less integrated issue areas. He is therefore not in a good position to object when Germany and other states advocate the creation of inner or hard cores, unconstrained by British or other reluctance to travel at the same speed as themselves. The German and British positions remain at odds on qualified majority voting, more powers for the European Parliament and more integration on justice and home affairs. The White Paper raises the possibility of reviewing the European Court of Justice's powers and jurisdiction, given added point by yesterday's finding on the length of the working week, but Britain is likely to find itself isolated on changing it, just as it is on the Maastricht Treaty's Social Chapter.

Britain has potential allies on defence and foreign policy issues; it raises valid questions about the feasibility of the EU's plans for monetary union; its insistence on free trade and an effective single European market has been consistently stated; its pragmatism and scepticism are often valued as responses to vague integrationist rhetoric. Unfortunately the intensity off its internal political arguments and the negative tone of its European debate, conspire to disguise these facts. The White Paper once again exposes this paradox.