Making peace and sharing power with a traditional enemy is the pinnacle of sophisticated politics. But it comes at a price. As Senator George Mitchell observed yesterday at the conclusion of his review of the Belfast Agreement: neither side got all it wanted and both would have to endure severe political pain. There was no other way forward, however, and prolonging the stalemate would leave society uncertain and vulnerable.
At what may be a pivotal point in the history of Northern Ireland, considerable political courage and imagination has been displayed by the leaders of the pro-Agreement parties. For there are sizeable numbers of people within both communities who cannot see beyond the divisions of the past and who regard implementation of elements of the Belfast Agreement as akin to treachery. In that regard, Mr David Trimble is under the greatest pressure, both within his party and from the wider unionist community, as he attempts to convince the ruling council of the UUP of the need to form an executive in advance of the decommissioning of IRA weapons.
Once that step has been taken and the various institutions established, however, pressure will switch to Sinn Fein and the IRA as voluntary arms decommissioning becomes an intrinsic part of the political equation.
Mr Mitchell engaged in blunt talking yesterday when he advised the unionist community there was no possibility of arms decommissioning taking place if Mr Trimble was rejected by his party or if the review process failed. For decommissioning to happen, then devolution, a meeting of the executive and the appointment of authorised representatives by paramilitary groups, should all take place on the same day, he said. The Taoiseach, Mr Ahern, along with the British Prime Minister, Mr Blair, and President Clinton joined in welcoming the outcome of the Senator's review and in pledging their support for the full implementation of the Belfast Agreement.
In that regard, Mr Ahern said the two governments would shortly make the necessary arrangements for the devolution of power to a Northern executive. It was all about keeping up the political momentum in Northern Ireland and encouraging the supporters of both Mr Trimble and Mr Adams.
Paradoxically, Mr Trimble's position as party leader may be strengthened by the increasingly strident demands for his removal from Mr Peter Robinson, deputy leader of the DUP. No party enjoys being told what to do by its political opponents and the criticisms may encourage a closing of ranks. Opposition from a majority of the UUP's Westminster MPs is a more difficult proposition. But, as Mr William Thompson made clear yesterday, his opposition is grounded on Mr Trimble's willingness to share power with nationalists as well as on the decommissioning issue. Such an intractable approach, in the aftermath of the overwhelming endorsement of the Belfast Agreement on both sides of the border, is deeply disappointing. But its reactionary and intransigent nature, at a time when a positive and constructive alternative is on offer, should work to Mr Trimble's advantage.
The leadership of the UUP has shown particular courage and realism in this difficult review process, as has the leadership of Sinn Fein. Should the process succeed, the real winners will be the people of Northern Ireland.