The Northern Secretary, Sir Patrick Mayhew, yesterday told a Dublin audience of the "common ground" which exists between the two governments on the talks process. The sentiments are reassuring, although there are grounds for believing that they are not wholly reflected in the political realities.
That Sinn Fein must remain firmly locked out of the talks process until the IRA has given up violence is common case. No weasel words from Mr Adams or Mr Martin McGuinness about their democratic mandate should be allowed to cause the slightest flinching from that position. Their political organisation is the obverse side of the IRA. And those who claim a right to shoot and bomb in parallel to the democratic process have no place at the negotiating table.
The talks can make some progress without Sinn Fein, Senator Mitchell has declared. Such progress would be slow and any settlement would be inherently deficient. But the world is an imperfect place. And if an ideal cannot be attained, one may be obliged to settle for the next best thing. Mr Fergus Finlay's aphorism that the talks are not worth a candle without Sinn Fein may not be invalid. But something less than a full candle may be sufficient sometimes to give light. And it is indisputably better than total darkness.
That a significant element within the Sinn Fein/ IRA leadership recognises the necessity of getting back on side in the political process is clear enough. That viewpoint within Sinn Fein/IRA can adduce no more persuasive argument than the determination on the part of Mr Trimble and his Ulster Unionists that Sinn Fein must be locked out at all costs. Sinn Fein represents a far greater threat to unionism within the debating chamber than does the IRA on the streets.
The Government recognises that elements of the IRA/Sinn Fein leadership have made this calculation and that those elements appear to be within measurable distance of persuading the hardliners to come with them. This is what lay behind Mr Bruton's prediction in the US that another ceasefire was coming. And it lies behind Mr Spring's studied rehearsal on Wednesday of the terms upon which Sinn Fein could speedily enter the talks. There should be no delay, he declared, once a credible ceasefire is declared. There should be a speedy commencement to inclusive talks.
Whether the British government subscribes to this version of current thinking within the Sinn Fein/IRA axis is not clear. But given the concurring analysis offered by the outgoing Chief Constable, Sir Hugh Annesley, last week, it seems reasonable to assume that it does. Nonetheless, the Prime Minister, Mr Major followed Mr Spring's statement with his own declaration that a ceasefire would not be enough to allow Sinn Fein into talks. At the same time, British officials advised correspondents of their ministers' thinking that there will be no place for Sinn Fein ceasefire or otherwise this side of the election.
In the House of Commons on Thursday, Mr Trimble spoke of the "massive contrast" between what Mr Spring and Mr Major are saying. "We have reached the point", he told the House, "where the possibility of Sinn Fein/IRA entering the peace process is now gone".
The Government here does not share that view. Mr Spring is trying to ensure that the goalposts are not moved on Sinn Fein entry because to do so may tip the balance of influence within the IRA/Sinn Fein against an early ceasefire and in favour of a return to all out violence. Mr Major appears to be moving away from the position agreed with Dublin towards a new set of criteria which are certain to keep Sinn Fein away from the table. A potentially dangerous gap in approach appears to be opening up between the two governments.