Not so much birth of a nation as continuing a long and bitter dispute by more civilised means. That's what's happening in Northern Ireland now.
The plan for the aftermath of the elections has been that the Assembly would hold its first meeting next week. Assuming all the members were elected, the speculation was that it would meet on Wednesday, starting at 2 p.m., and that the agenda would be a short one.
When it meets, the body will probably be asked to ratify the presiding officer and deputy presiding officer nominated by the Northern Secretary, Dr Mowlam. There has been speculation that the presiding officer will come from the ranks of the Alliance Party. But this is a plum job and nothing should be taken for granted: the SDLP, for example, has kept its cards close to its chest on the matter.
The word on the street initially had it that the Assembly would meet over two days but there now appears to be an anxiety at senior political level that its deliberations should be confined to a single afternoon.
The other main item of business envisaged for this first Assembly sitting is the election of a first and deputy first minister. These posts are expected to go to the two largest parties and the assumption in advance of the results was that these would be the Ulster Unionists and the SDLP respectively.
If the UUP has won most seats, then Mr David Trimble would become first minister, with either Mr John Hume or Mr Seamus Mallon in the deputy first minister's post. The betting was that Mr Hume would go for the deputy's job - the title is something of a misnomer because there appears to be little or no difference in status between the two posts. Mr Hume is already a member of two other parliaments, at Westminster and Strasbourg, but resolving that issue would be for another day.
A key point in all of this is that the Assembly will only be meeting in "shadow" form and the formal transfer of powers will not take place until around February next year. That is when we will have the pomp and circumstance, with possibly a royal or two from over the water and, no doubt, some prominent representatives of the Republic. Who knows, President Clinton might even drop by.
The Assembly will have to establish its own standing orders and a committee is likely to be set up. There is some confusion about the system of cross-community voting, as two different formulas are outlined in the Belfast Agreement and it will be a prime task for the standing orders committee to clarify that position.
The relationship between the first and deputy first ministers is going to be critical in ensuring that the Assembly and the other institutions are a success - one political insider called them the "axis" upon which the new arrangements will turn.
Sinn Fein will be pushing hard for a meeting of the shadow executive - the cabinet-style body which will administer most aspects of Northern Ireland society. The republicans argue it is not necessary for the portfolios to be worked out in detail before such a meeting can take place.
The more likely scenario at this stage is that the Assembly will adjourn until around September 15th and that during the recess the parties will discuss the shape of the new administration. An executive meeting in the short term seems unlikely.
The executive will be based on party strengths but we do not know as yet how many ministries there will be. However, the Agreement provides for as many as 10 portfolios in addition to the posts of first and deputy first minister and the general expectation is that there will be 12 seats at the North's cabinet table.
Sinn Fein's entitlement to sit on the executive is still very much a live issue. Mr Trimble has yet to meet Sinn Fein directly and this raises an additional complication for the process of working out the shape of the new government. The debate within the unionist family on this whole issue will be watched with great interest.
One way or the other, a plan for reorganising the various government departments should emerge by early autumn. The Good Friday document imposes a deadline of October 31st for agreeing on the areas of responsibility for the new cross-Border bodies and it is difficult to see how this can be met unless the parties have first of all agreed on the nature of the various portfolios.
It is understood that informal contacts have taken place with a number of political leaders on administrative matters, e.g., the civil service back-up they will receive.
There is strong speculation that junior ministers (called "assistant executive committee members") will also be appointed and that a number of party officials will be brought into the new administration as programme managers and special advisers. Relations between the "permanent government" at the Northern Ireland Office and the new administration will be another area to fascinate observers.
The Assembly is not expected to meet more than half-a-dozen times between now and next year's transfer of powers. In parallel, a programme of political education is being instituted for the members, most of whom have little or no legislative experience. Experts will be brought in from abroad to help them up the learning curve.
The first meeting will take place at Castle Buildings, the nondescript complex where the multi-party talks were held. After the summer, the politicians will betake themselves to Parliament Buildings, the "Big House" where the old Stormont parliament held its deliberations.
The members themselves will decide their permanent home but it seems likely at this stage they will remain at Stormont although some may want a more inclusive symbol than the present statue of Lord Carson outside. One suggestion is that he might be joined by a monument to some nationalist hero. But, like so much else in the new political set-up, it's still all to play for.