The Emperor Louis-Napoleon once said, when his own attempts at gradual change were being frustrated: "It is very difficult in France to make reforms; we make revolutions in France, not reforms."
Some would say the same of Northern Ireland. The former Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, came in for criticism when he described the North as "a failed political entity". But that did not stop him or other Taoisigh from trying to alleviate the situation of Northern nationalists while seeking a solution to the overall problem by peaceful political means.
The latest leader of a Dublin administration to tackle the Northern dilemma is Bertie Ahern, who will be visiting Derry and Belfast today at a time when there is heightened tension in both communities, as well as equal amounts of expectation and disappointment among nationalists.
He has been preceded by the Fine Gael leader, John Bruton, who met the Northern Secretary, Dr Mowlam, and representatives of political parties during a two-day visit. Speaking to journalists, Mr Bruton stressed that the parties in the talks faced a huge job of constitutional and institutional drafting over the next two months. At the end of the day, as he pointed out: "It all depends on what the law says."
Although the Opposition leader tactfully refrained from saying it, there are others in high political circles who worry about the lack of experience in the art of negotiation of many Northern politicians.
This may be Bertie Ahern's unique contribution to the peace process: is he not Consensus Man, the great conciliator, the bridge-builder, to coin a phrase?
Ahern likes to see everybody happy and he has managed to create this difficult equilibrium more often than most political leaders. But he did not achieve it with the publication of the Propositions on Heads of Agreement for the multi-party talks.
Ahern's pragmatism is legendary, and he has the perfect counterpart in Tony Blair. The pair of them worked like demons the day before the document was produced, to-ing and fro-ing between one another and with David Trimble, Seamus Mallon and Gerry Adams.
Some talks insiders have argued vehemently that although Trimble won significant concessions, the nationalists also secured important provisions, including the prospect of change in Britain's constitutional legislation on the North, a decoupling of the "Council of the Isles" from the North-South Ministerial Council, and potentially important gestures on such issues as prisoners and policing.
Besides, the immediate problem was to lock the unionists more securely into the talks and there would be other opportunities for nationalists to claw back ground they had lost in the preparation of what was, after all, only meant to be a discussion paper.
In a more relaxed atmosphere in Northern Ireland, it might be possible to argue that case to republicans and traditional nationalists with some prospect of success. But against the background of a "preemptive" leak in the Daily Telegraph suggesting game, set and match to the unionists and constant reports of shootings and death, the necessary conditions for calm, considered analysis and reflection did not exist.
As one participant in behind-the-scenes negotiations said: "The killings have put the whole process in a context that we didn't need." The shootings have disposed republicans to take a somewhat jaundiced view of the proceedings and now the violence is threatening the whole basis of the talks by generating pressure for the expulsion of the Ulster Democratic Party, the political wing of the UDA.
It is understood the liaison group of British and Irish officials met yesterday in Dublin to discuss another joint document containing proposals on the powers and authority of the North-South Ministerial Council.
This was meant to be circulated to the parties today, but some advisers are calling for it to be held back lest its provisions be "unpicked" by politicians and commentators in advance of Monday's Strand Two talks session, which is being held in London. The details, already foreshadowed in last Wednesday's Irish Times, may emerge instead in selective form in high-profile interviews by senior British politicians over the weekend.
The UUP deputy leader, John Taylor, has said that, in the event of a retreat from the Propositions paper by the two governments, his party should review its continued participation in the talks. Nevertheless, most observers expect to see an attempt in the new document to bring the republicans back on board. One wag joked, with perhaps more wit than accuracy, that this could be the "Sinn Fein Fightback Document".
Connoisseurs of political and media campaigning speak with grudging admiration of Sinn Fein's skill in restoring its position after the setback of the Propositions paper. It is true that Sinn Fein leaders have an almost uncanny ability to be what public relations gurus call "on message", with all of their representatives voicing similar analyses, slogans and demands no matter what turn the situation takes.
But it is clear also that even Sinn Fein leaders were taken aback by the depth of negative reaction at grassroots level to the Propositions paper. Nor would one need to be omniscient to surmise that the IRA was seriously discommoded as well.
The latest IRA statement was clearly an attempt to influence the content of the gestating Strand Two document. It may be that insufficient attention was paid by the two governments to another recent IRA pronouncement, its New Year's message in An Phoblacht, which reeks of impatience and frustration at the perceived lack of response from London to the continuing ceasefire.
Fairly minimal provision has been made for media questioning during the Taoiseach's visit to Belfast today. A press conference confined to 15 minutes will not give Mr Ahern much opportunity to outline his vision for the two communities in the North, as distinct from the practical, pragmatic steps needed to keep the talks show on the road.
That's a pity, because he might have been able to provide the one thing that is so elusive yet so badly needed by both sides in Northern Ireland at present, the element of reassurance.