Life is lived forwards but understood backwards. Given the extent to which the Arms Crisis continues to be a subject of controversy and the implications of the 1970 events for the reputations of numerous people, living and dead, there is a strong case for an in-depth, comprehensive inquiry. It could be conducted by an independent team of respected academics, as suggested by journalist and former ombudsman, Michael Mills, on RTE radio yesterday.
The latest manifestation of the continuing controversy is this week's Prime Time documentary by the respected producer and former Irish Times journalist, Michael Heney. The programme raised questions about the role of the then Taoiseach, Mr Jack Lynch, and his minister for defence, Mr Jim Gibbons. Did they know and approve of the attempt to import arms in April 1970? The programme suggests that they did but the evidence produced is less than convincing.
For those too young to remember, the explosion of violence in Northern Ireland in August 1969 was unexpected and deeply alarming.
The largely peaceful campaign to achieve equality and civil rights for the Catholic community was met by loyalist violence which, in the case of Belfast, began to take on the dimensions of a pogrom. The burning of Bombay Street and the flight of refugees over the Border convulsed the civil and political life of the Republic. The prospect of a "doomsday situation" loomed for a considerable period, groups of civilians headed for the Border with the North and Lynch spoke for the overwhelming majority of the population when he said in a broadcast on August 13th, 1969: "The Irish government can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse." However, when an attempt was made in April 1970 to import arms from the continent, Lynch blocked it and, a month later, sacked two senior ministers, Mr Charles Haughey and Mr Niall Blaney. Allegations that Lynch and Gibbons knew about and may have been involved in the gun-running continue to this day.
State papers released last January contained details of a Government directive conveyed by Gibbons to the chief-of-staff of the Defence Forces, Lieut-Gen Sean McKeown, on February 6th, 1970.
The Heney programme features a version of this directive which is broadly similar to the one reported in The Irish Times on January 1st and 2nd this year.
The document describes how Gibbons informed the chief-of-staff that the Taoiseach and other ministers had met delegations from the North who demanded urgent supplies of arms, ammunition and respirators, "the provision of which the government agreed". Truckloads of these items were prepared at Clancy Barracks in Dublin and Athlone barracks so they could be available in a matter of hours.
When riots erupted in Belfast at the beginning of April, the arms were brought to Dundalk military barracks. Based on this statement of government policy and the outcome of the court proceedings as well as statements from unnamed members of the Arms Trial jury and from northern nationalists and republicans who met Lynch and Gibbons, Prime Time suggested that both the Taoiseach and the defence minister knew about and authorised the attempted importation of weapons.
However, not everyone will agree that a decision in principle by the government to supply surplus weapons for possible distribution in a doomsday situation also constituted approval for the efforts of Capt James Kelly and the Belfast republican, John Kelly, to purchase and import arms for distribution in the North.