ALL parties to the peace process were urged by the Progressive Democrats leader, Ms Mary Harney, to retain an open mind on the establishment of an elected body in the North. She said "The peace process is at a fragile stage, and we should all work to encourage moderation and resist any return to the extremism that has been at the root of the problems in Northern Ireland.
Like others, no doubt, I have reservations on the possible absence of a gesture on arms decommissioning prior to the commencement of all party talks. However, I, like all others, must ponder the unanimous conclusion of the commission that "the paramilitary organisations will not decommission any arms prior to all party negotiations", a conclusion based on their extensive discussions with Church representatives, community leaders and security personnel, North and South.
That, of course, is the impasse that has dogged the peace process for months, and what the Mitchell Commission seeks to do is to provide a mechanism for getting round it, rather than removing it since they have concluded that it is immovable.
I see the way around the impasse in two parts. Firstly, the adoption of the six principles of democracy and non violence advanced by the commission. But just as important, I believe, as the conclusion of the commission that "there is a clear commitment on the part of those in possession of such arms to work constructively to achieve full and verifiable decommissioning as part of the process of all party negotiations".
I have to say that it is very hard to square that belief with the recent behaviour of the IRA and its obvious involvement in six murders of civilians. I would like to hear in greater detail from Senator Mitchell and his colleagues, in the hope that I could be reassured that they have satisfied themselves that this conclusion is indeed well founded.
But if it is to be the case that we cannot have any decommissioning whatsoever in advance of all party talks, then it is imperative that the six principles of democracy and non violence are formally endorsed by all parties to such talks, and notably by Sinn Fein.
Key among these principles are the proposed commitment to exclusively peaceful means to resolve the political problems of Northern Ireland, taking effective steps to end punishment killings and beatings, and a renunciation of the threat of renewed violence to influence the course or the outcome of all party talks.
If Sinn Fein, as the political wing of the republican movement that includes the IRA, endorses these principles, then I believe it is in the best interests of all the people of this island, and also the people of Britain, that the two governments should move resolutely and speedily to the convening of all party talks.
My hopes are that once we had the commencement of such talks, they would gather their own momentum in terms of building trust and dissolving the mutual suspicions and disdain that clearly and inevitably exist after 25 years
I appreciate that the unionist parties maintain a well founded distrust of the democratic bona fides of Sinn Fein.
On the other hand, many nationalists who are not at all confined to the ranks of Sinn Fein, believe that the unionist political parties real aversion to all party talks is their realisation that the eventual outcome must inevitably bolster the position of nationalists and the status of nationalism within Northern Ireland.
But if we are ever to transform the current shaky peace process into a lasting peace settlement, then the position of Northern nationalists must be equalised with that of unionists. Their separate political aspirations, their national identity, their emblems and their quota of real political power must all be put on a par with unionism within Northern Ireland."