TAOISEACH CHARLES Haughey told British prime minister Margaret Thatcher he would lead a personal crusade against violence if she agreed to an intergovernmental conference on Northern Ireland.
In private talks at the Dublin Castle summit of December 1980 he lobbied Thatcher to agree a joint approach in the North.
The prime minister rejected the conference proposal as premature but said she would consider practical ways of improving co-operation between the two countries, especially on a cross-Border basis.
A joint communique issued later said the next summit would consider “the totality of relationships within these islands”. There was controversy and confusion when minister for foreign affairs Brian Lenihan told the BBC that “everything is on the table”, but the British government denied constitutional issues were due for discussion.
The Irish perspective on what took place at the summit is revealed for the first time in documents from the Department of the Taoiseach released to the National Archives under the 30-year rule.
Haughey told the prime minister that if there was “some movement” on the Northern Ireland situation, then he could “come out for a crusade to end violence – and be listened to”, according to the confidential report on the meeting which has now been released.
“He would put his full personal prestige behind this crusade, and could muster considerable forces behind him. He could argue that political developments were being considered by the two governments and that while this consideration was going on, violence should be ended to see if we could get anywhere through political argument and discussion.”
The report continues: “The Taoiseach said that what he had in mind was a conference of the two governments next year, to review the totality of the relationship between the two countries.”
Thatcher responded, according to the report, that, “in her view it was a little soon yet to start talking about a conference”. She said studies on cross-Border co-operation and security were working well.
“The Taoiseach said that he could not see the Border studies getting us anywhere. We needed government to government contacts. The nationalists in Northern Ireland related to Dublin. The loyalists related to London. Between Dublin and London, if they came together, there was a possibility that something could be created to which both could relate.
“He suggested that joint studies be commissioned as a basis for a future meeting.
“The Prime Minister said she would like to try to give the studies a practical format. She added, ‘I think we need to look at joint studies’ and appeared to agree with the Taoiseach’s proposition. What she had in mind was practical ways of achieving closer co-operation between Ireland and the UK, and particularly in relation to cross-Border matters.”
On cross-Border security, Thatcher said the Garda and the RUC, “seem to be working very well together – and actually enjoying it”.
The report continues: “The Taoiseach said that, important as security was, it was not the whole picture. What he had in mind was that the Prime Minister and he could, perhaps, create a situation where a British Prime Minister could drive into the centre of Dublin without any extraordinary security.”
Haughey said the government was “concerned with the spillover of the effects of Northern violence down here”.
Thatcher was quick to respond and the report states: “The Prime Minister said that she thought that much of the violence came from down here.
“The Taoiseach said that it came from Belfast which now appears to be the centre of Provisional activity.
“He added that if we can get political movement going we could make a major political initiative to end the violence.
“The Prime Minister said that what the Taoiseach had said must mean that the headquarters of the IRA were down here.
“The Taoiseach said that this was not so. All our security advice was that Belfast was the main centre. We have locked up our own violent men. Down here they were isolated.
“What was important now was to isolate them in the North – leave them no basis, or no platform. This could be done if new political developments, to bring the two peoples together, were seen to be coming about.
“The Prime Minister said that the two communities must learn to live together.”
Haughey said, according to the report: “We were ready to talk on practical forms of co-operation but what he had in mind was studies, evolving out of the unique relationship between the two countries.
“If we could get these studies going we might be able to move forward, on a basis which would enable the people in Northern Ireland to live at peace with one another on the understanding that the two governments are co-operating.
“What was involved was a great historic move. If the situation was handled right the two governments could, perhaps, between them solve the problem.
“They knew the British had certain concerns with Defence. We would fully accept these in any new arrangements. He would like them to be assured that Ireland would never be used as a base for attack on Britain.
“The Prime Minister said that violence must go. Force must be totally and absolutely excluded as a basis for any settlement. British governments had given a guarantee to Northern Ireland and she could no more let that guarantee go than the Taoiseach could change his views on Irish unity. Persuasion was the only democratic way forward.
“The Taoiseach said that we must give a political basis which will make violence irrelevant.
“The Prime Minister said the violence was always irrelevant. She said it was a tremendous advance for this part of the country that the vast majority of the people here believed that violence would not achieve anything.
“The Taoiseach said that we were under no illusions. The Provos have spoken of an attack of both states. We were making a major effort on security and we believed that our Border security could not be better.
“The Prime Minister said that she too believed that the degree of security here could not be better,” according to the report, which was prepared by Nally (1927-2009) who attended along with senior British official Michael, later Sir Michael, Alexander (1936-2002).