YOU might them leading the Liberal Democrats a wasteful occupation for a highly able, ambitious man. But Paddy Ashdown has gathered a piece of political real estate he believes is set to count in British politics. As the conference season gets under way - and with a general election just round the corner - the former action man, turned diplomat, now politician, thinks the fun is just about to start.
Sitting in his Commons office efficient, clear cut, uncompromising, the familiar glint in the eye - there is no doubting his enthusiasm for the fray.
But hasn't he already thrown away his best chance? In a New Statesman interview, he clearly anticipated a Labour government and a consequent realignment in British politics. Wasn't he simply closing the door on disaffected Tory voters?
He insists he was merely reflecting the statistical reality that a hung parliament is an unlikely outcome. He can't predict the election result, and recalls Bill Clinton was 16 points behind George Bush before winning the US presidency. Pressed about Lord Jenkins's suggestion that, where Labour is the main challenger, people should vote for them Mr Ashdown corrects me, and says leaders "don't go round asking people to vote for other parties". But he adds: "Tactical voting is a fact of life in Britain. You ask me if I'm in favour of it. You might as well ask me whether I'm in favour of the Thames."
But if he'll provide Mr Major with no back door to Downing Street, can he see himself serving in a Blair led government?
After the ritual disclaimer of any interest in "who has their bums on the seats of a government Daimler", Paddy Ashdown doesn't quite dismiss the possibility. "Can I see myself playing a part in a Blair government that, for instance, did not enter a single currency; in a Blair government that did not bring about constitutional change; that was not serious about voting reform in this country, that was not going to invest in education; that was not going to address the issues of the environment and that was running an irresponsible economic policy - the answer is no.
He says he wants "a new style of co operative politics". But he insists "it is as easily done across the floor of the House of Commons as from the same side".
But the co operative spirit has suffered a setback in Scotland. Given Tony Blair's U turns over Scottish devolution, could the Lib Dems trust Labour to deliver a reform agenda? Paddy Ashdown is clear that Labour's "bungling" has "very seriously damaged the trust" which the parties had built in the Scottish Constitutional Convention. He says: "I'm very angry about that. And it has damaged something to which I am dearly, passionately attached, which is a Scottish parliament. In my view, the ridiculous shenanigans of Labour over Scottish devolution has made a Scottish parliament less likely."
Paddy Ashdown is full of praise for Mr Blair's reform of the Labour Party: "I think he's led them with panache, skill and courage." Then the wounding payoff: "I just wish he showed the same amount of courage - with the country. There are real questions about Labour. Are they now rootless? If they've abandoned socialism, what do they believe in? How deep does the Blair revolution go?" Mr Blair, he says, "seems to have made a calculation that the right response to a failing Tory government is a timid one. I believe the right response is a courageous one".
Convinced that "the people want us to be truthful", Mr Ashdown is determined they shall have it. On the big issues of taxation and the single currency he accuses Conservatives and Labour of "the most outrageous conspiracy against the British people".
Sounding almost incredulous, Mr Ashdown says neither will admit "that there's a major public spending problem coming along the track, yet there is. Mr Major has doubled the national debt in six years. We've now got a spending crisis, somewhere between the election and the middle of the year after, of major proportions. And both parties say they will neither cut spending nor raise taxes. That's a straight unvarnished lie".
Warming to his theme, he goes on: "The second outrage is that within weeks of the election both parties know they must take, in principle, the biggest, most important decision this country has taken in this decade, and maybe in the last half century, as to whether they join monetary union. They both know the reasons, both know the answers, they both know what they must do, and both are pretending that they haven't made up their mind." The general election, he laments, "is going to be held in a vacuum. It's a disgrace. And we intend to expose both of those".
Although this week's conference will not debate Europe - the Lib Dems want to go in the way of "sensible integration". However, Mr Ashdown is emphatic that any further alteration in the balance of sovereignty must first be approved by the people with whom sovereignty resides: "We are absolutely clear that that (integration) cannot go further unless we bring the British people with us."
He is much taken with the "fact" that Kenneth Clarke is closer to him than to Michael Portillo, and that, likewise, Tony Blair is closer to him than to the likes of Dennis Skinner. Mr Ashdown doesn't know how this fact will assert itself. But he clearly believes Europe will cause convulsions in both major parties. And the prospect fills him with joy. Against the natural expectation, Paddy Ashdown is clearly enjoying himself.