Democrats in disarray on Iraq war strategy

US: US Democrats say a long-standing rift in the party over the Iraq war has grown increasingly raw in recent days, as stay-…

US: US Democrats say a long-standing rift in the party over the Iraq war has grown increasingly raw in recent days, as stay-the-course elected leaders who voted for the war three years ago confront rising impatience from activists and strategists who want to challenge President Bush aggressively to withdraw troops.

Amid rising casualties and falling public support for the war, Democrats of all hues have grown more vocal this summer in criticising Mr Bush's handling of the war.

However, a growing chorus of Democrats have said this criticism should be harnessed to a consistent message and alternative policy - something most Democratic legislators have refused to offer.

The wariness, congressional aides and outside strategists said in interviews last week, reflects a belief among some in the opposition that proposals to force troop drawdowns or otherwise limit president Bush's options would be perceived by many voters as defeatist. Some operatives fear such moves would exacerbate the party's traditional vulnerability on national security issues.

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The internal schism has become all the more evident in recent weeks even as Americans have soured on Mr Bush and the war in poll after poll. Senate Democrats, according to aides, convened a private meeting in late June to develop a cohesive stance on the war and debated every option - only to break up with no consensus.

The rejuvenation of the anti-war movement recently, after the mother of a soldier killed in Iraq set up camp near Mr Bush's Texas ranch, has exposed the rift even further. Democratic senator Russell Feingold broke with his leadership last week to become the first senator to call for all troops to be withdrawn from Iraq by a specific deadline.

In delivering the Democrats' weekly radio address on Sunday, former senator Max Cleland, a war hero who lost three limbs in Vietnam, declared that "it's time for a strategy to win in Iraq or a strategy to get out".

While critical of Mr Bush, the party's establishment figures - including senate minority leader Harry Reid, Senator Joseph Biden and Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton - all reject Mr Feingold's approach, reasoning that success in Iraq at this point is too important for the country.

Democratic National Committee chairman Howard Dean, who rose to public prominence on an anti-war presidential campaign, said on television a week ago that it was the responsibility of the president, not the opposition, to come up with a plan for Iraq.

The internal disarray, according to many Democrats, reflects more than a short-term tactical debate. Some say it reveals a fundamental identity crisis in the post-September 11th world for a party that struggled to move beyond the anti-war legacy of the 1960s and 1970s to reinvent itself as tougher on national security in the 1990s.

However historic fault lines in the party run deep.

Along with high petrol prices, the Iraq war has fed public discontent that is expressing itself as members of congress tour home districts during the August recess. Democratic office holders have watched carefully as peace demonstrators - inspired by grieving mother-turned activist Cindy Sheehan outside Mr Bush's ranch near Crawford, Texas - staged more than 1,000 candlelight vigils around the country last week.

They also took note of the strong showing of Democrat Paul Hackett, an Iraq veteran turned war critic, who nearly snatched away a Republican house seat in a special election in Ohio this month. House Democratic leaders are recruiting other Iraq veterans to run in next year's mid-term elections.

"We have to go on the offensive to show the American people that we're not afraid to disagree," Mr Feingold said.

He believes an immediate withdrawal does not make military sense, but that the public needs reassurance that the Iraq operation is moving purposefully toward completion.

The potency of anti-war sentiment within the party's base could be seen in the enthusiasm expressed for Mr Feingold among liberal internet "bloggers" in the days after he made his withdrawal proposal. Unscientific internet polls showed support rising for a Feingold presidential run in 2008.

Liberal "bloggers" have lambasted the party leadership for missed opportunities. When the senate foreign relations committee conducted a confirmation hearing for Mr Bush's confidante Karen Hughes, tipped as the next undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, not a single Democrat showed up to grill her on administration policy.

"Excuse me, but do you enjoy being in the minority?" complained an entry that day on Think Progress, the blog for the Centre for American Progress, a think tank run by former Clinton White House chief of staff John Podesta.

While publicly quiet, Mr Podesta has been one of many influential voices behind the scenes calling for a louder, more frequent drumbeat on the war.

Turning Iraq into a sharply partisan issue, however, carries deep risks for Democrats and the country, others warn. "Credit the Democrats for not trying to pour more gasoline on the fire, even if they're not particularly unified in their message," said Michael McCurry, a former Clinton White House press secretary. "The smartest thing for Democrats to do is be supportive."

Some argue that Democrats do not need to craft an alternative policy, deeming it better simply to let Mr Bush struggle.

Still, the Democratic discord has provided solace for Mr Bush's advisers at a difficult time. Although his approval ratings have sunk, the Democrats have gained no ground at his expense. In a Washington Post-ABC News poll in June, just 42 per cent of Americans approved of congressional Democrats, a figure even lower than Mr Bush's. - (Los Angeles Times-Washington Post service)