Taoiseach Brian Cowen's introductory comments to the European Council last night:
This is my first appearance at the European Council as Taoiseach of Ireland. But it is by no means my first European Council.
I was Foreign Minister in the aftermath of Nice, during the Convention on Europe, and throughout the intergovernmental conference that led to the Constitutional Treaty. I chaired the General Affairs Council during Ireland's period as President of the Council in 2004 when we reached agreement on the Constitution.
I am a committed European and have been all my political life. It is not some abstract commitment for me. It is because I have seen the powerful force for good our membership of the Union has been. I have seen the progress Ireland has made in the last thirty five years. I have seen the benefits which have accrued to our people.
Mine is the first generation that can confidently expect to fulfil their potential in Ireland. From a country of emigration by necessity, we are now a country of immigration by choice.
Clearly, I would not have chosen as my first task here to have to advise you, that the Irish people have rejected the proposal to amend our constitution to allow us ratify the Lisbon Treaty.
For all of us, the will of the people is sovereign. They have spoken at the ballot box, the ultimate democratic forum, and the Government accepts their verdict.
The principles of democracy must be the threads that weave the fabric of the European Union. I am sure that this is a view that you all share.
I acknowledge that our vote has obvious implications for our partners here around this table.
In our Parliament yesterday, I gave my initial thoughts on how that decision came about, and my initial assessment of its implications. I will now share that with you.
The referendum campaign
The turnout in our referendum was significant by Irish standards, and the margin of defeat was clear.
The lead up to the referendum was extensive, from a long debate in Parliament, through a wide programme of public information and debate, to vigorous campaigns by the political parties.
Let me stress up front that there was no strong suggestion emerging from the campaign that Irish people are any less committed to their European identity and membership of the Union that in the past.
In fact, there was broad recognition of the Union's achievements in securing peace, providing economic stability, reinforcing cultural, social and environmental development and promoting European values of democracy, tolerance and equality.
Equally I believe that there was no serious calling into question of the benefits of our membership, such as the impact of the Internal Market, the CAP's contribution to our agriculture and food sectors, and the role of structural and cohesion funding to our economic and infrastructure development.
Similarly we have a strong tradition of (underline) engagement (end underline) at the heart of the European project, for example by our commitment to economic and monetary union and adoption of the euro, or engagement in external peace and development actions including deploying our police and military.
Against that positive background, it is clear that the debate reflected anxieties about potential (underline) future (end underline) developments and the potential (u) future (end u) direction of the Union.
I want to preface what I am about to say to you by saying that regardless what one's view is about the grounds for these anxieties, they were genuinely felt.
In some instances, these arose in specific sectors. For example, our farming community was and remains deeply concerned by the direction of the World Trade talks. Large segments of our trade union sector were anxious about a perceived imbalance between the protection of workers' rights and market forces. Suggestions that the Lisbon Treaty would lead to European taxes, or harmonised taxes being imposed on us, were effective despite robust efforts to get the facts across.
Other concerns and fears were more broadly expressed. Arguments relating to the loss of a permanent Commissioner, the ending of the rotating Presidency or a change in voting weights may perhaps give rise to greater concern about loss of influence in smaller states.
Concerns were also expressed that the new roles of President of the Council and High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy might not be sufficiently accountable.
Contradictory concerns also emerged. For example, on the one hand it was argued that the Charter of Fundamental Rights could lead the European Court of Justice to issue binding judgements at variance with our ethical and legal traditions, in areas like abortion or euthanasia.
On the other hand, it was argued that certain protections offered by the Charter, in respect for example of workers' rights, might not fully apply.
Common defence was a major concern. Specific measures to improve military capacity and strengthen European defence industries were seen as putting pressure on Ireland's tradition of military neutrality.
There was also concern that, over time, an obligation to support a European military force would arise. This concern arose even though the Irish public strongly support deployment of Irish forces on European peacekeeping missions with a UN mandate, for example those serving today in Chad.
Extraneous issues, inevitably, also arose in the debate and in commentary about the outcome. Moreover, the Treaty is a complex document. These helped the No side to argue "If You Don't Know, Vote No".
That said, it cannot be argued that the Treaty was rejected solely because it was too complex for the public to understand.
Broader issues
It is very early in our period of analysis. But less explicit and less direct influences may also have been factors. Economic uncertainty, higher food prices, the credit crunch, the increases in fuel prices,on top of more expensive mortgage payments, particularly after such a long period of strong economic performance, may have contributed to frustration among the electorate.
As you are aware, that overall economic landscape is not likely to improve in the short term. Ireland has undergone rapid social and demographic change. Opening our labour market to the EU10 in 2004, and strong economic performance, saw a rapid increase in migration to Ireland. A decade ago, 2 per cent of our labour force came from outside Ireland. Today, that figure is 16 per cent.
This change has, by and large, been positive. But it is not without some tensions, given that our society, traditionally, has been accustomed to emigration, not immigration. These are relevant background factors.
These points have particular Irish dimensions, but they are not uniquely Irish. All our peoples are experiencing unease about rapid economic and social change, change which can impact on political debate and decision-making. Indeed such factors may well have played a role in previous Treaty rejections on other Member States.
Expression of a "disconnect" between the citizens and Europe, its institutions and procedures, is also not unique to Ireland. The Union is a sophisticated construction, with careful checks and balances to address diverse and sometimes conflicting goals.
But this may also mean that to some of our citizens, Europe may appear to be a place of treaties and protocols, directives and regulations, instead of something that makes a meaningful and beneficial impact on people's lives.
To the degree that that is so, we cannot be happy that our European project relies on limited levels of public understanding and engagement.
Examining the message and its implications
I believe we now need to engage in serous and careful analysis of the outcome of the referendum and its implications. We must avoid the temptation of "quick fixes" or sound bites based on superficial or comment or findings.
We also need to reflect carefully on the situation which will arise in the future as other member states finalise their own individual positions in respect of the Lisbon Treaty. There will, necessarily, be many elements to this work.
In Ireland we have already had an initial debate in our Parliament. I will be reporting both to Government and to Parliament again next week, including on the views expressed at this Council meeting.
The Government will also be consulting extensively with the other political parties. We will examine our mechanisms for engaging in dialogue with society, to get to a deeper analysis of the issues aired during the campaign which, I expect, may assist in identifying potential paths forward.
Within the European Union we will continue to engage closely with colleagues from the other member states and the institutions. We will seek to work particularly closely with the incoming Presidency.
I have spoken personally with many of you over the past week and my ministerial colleagues and officials have also been in extensive contact with their counterparts in your governments and administrations.
I am grateful for the close cooperation we have received from so many and look forward to this continuing. I have personally committed myself to ensuring that our work is undertaken comprehensively.
I strongly believe that it would be counterproductive to any potential way forward that might emerge in due course for us to attempt to predetermine a precise time-frame for that process now.
However, if colleagues believe it would be helpful, I would have no difficulty in reporting on the progress being made when we gather again in this format in October. I will maintain close contact with the incoming Presidency on this.
The challenge that has arisen is both an Irish challenge and a European challenge.
But is is not Europe's only challenge. The Union also faces many important policy issues, as our overall agenda for this meeting and our earlier discussion have shown.
I can assure you that Ireland will continue to play its full part in working constructively with other member states on these policy challenges over the coming months.
We must keep our focus on addressing the challenges that matter - responding to the tightening international economic situation and rising prices, remaining competitive, attracting investment, creating employment, delivering social protection and services, ensuring a sustainable environment and managing the challenges of climate change and energy security in line with our ambitious targets.
In conclusion, I know that the situation regarding the referendum which I have just reported to the Council is a difficult one. I believe that it is our responsibility to work together, in the spirit of solidarity which has served the Union so well for decades, to find a viable way forward.
The Union has found itself in similar situations before. Each time, working calmly, constructively and collectively, we have found an acceptable path. I am personally determined to see this resolved and I am counting on your support and cooperation.