FOR a month now, the IRA has done its best to force its way into the British general election. From the Grand National to our motorways and airports the British people have had to face a series of bomb threats and explosions.

But the IRA's attempts to use the fear of violence against innocent tar gets to bring pressure to bear on the British government has been conspicuously unsuccessful.

The disruption has been borne by the British people with a stoic shrug of the shoulders and a steely determination to carry on as usual. The IRA has never succeeded in bombing its way to any position of strength. No one in Britain is about to let it start.

As in previous terrorist attacks, the overwhelming response has been one of defiance.

The clear message has been that whatever the inconvenience, we will not give in to scare tactics and we will never bow to terrorism. It is important that, while being careful of security, we do not overreact and give a vicarious victory to this economic terrorism.

All politicians on both sides of the Irish Sea must show similar resolve. As the people have stood together, so must politicians unite in condemnation of anything that attempts to disrupt and distort the democratic process through violence.

The Prime Minister has enjoyed the support of all the main British parties in his bid to bring all sides of the Northern Ireland divide to the negotiating table.

It is right that the only way to solve the Northern Ireland problem is through a negotiated peace settlement.

It is also right that the only way in which Sinn Fein can enter the process is if it totally and unequivocally abandons terrorism and publicly accepts the Mitchell principles.

The next British government, whoever is elected, must continue to work towards a negotiated peace in the province and must construct an all party consensus to help bring it to fruition.

Progress now depends on leadership. Unhappily, general elections tend to create uncertainty in Northern Ireland. The sectarian political parties tend to become more conservative, concerned that they will be outflanked and lose voters if they risk the narrow, short term interests of a particular section of society.

Too many leaders in Northern Ireland become less willing to take the risks that wider society needs them to take. Political leadership dries up 1997 does not seem to be an exception. So without leadership, progress is sadly on hold until after May 1st.

It is not clear, however that progress will accelerate after polling day either. The political threats to the Ulster Unionists and the SDLP from the more hard line competitors in their respective communities could well be stronger than they were in 1992.

The new mandates of those elected to Westminster in the general election, and in the local council elections which take place in Northern Ireland on May 21st, may undermine the mandates of those elected to negotiate and reach agreement in May 1996.

We must all hope that the fundamental decency of the non-sectarian Alliance Party gets an electoral reward on May 1st. Whatever the result, the spectre of another parades crisis will haunt Northern Ireland in the early summer.

The North commission spent time working away at the problem of marches and parades. It consulted widely and in January produced an excellent report. The solution it produced was workable and comprehensive and favoured no one community. The British government's initial decision to delay implementing the report "pending further consultation" was sadly a result of political expediency and out of character with its overall approach to Northern Ireland.

NEVERTHELESS, the government's enactment of several of the report's recommendations since then has been welcome. It will be a major achievement if this year's parades and marches run more smoothly than last year's. Drumcree did massive damage to the peace process and the rule of law, and we cannot afford a repeat. The Liberal Democrats will work with all other parties to help prevent that happening.

The constitutional talks will need new impetus after the election. They have been allowed to drag on with little visible progress. Unless there is a fresh approach, they risk looking like an anachronism from more optimistic days. But the situation is not without hope.

Past success has always come from the British and Irish governments working together actively leading the debate rather than passively following it. This formula led to the Joint Declaration of December 1992 and the Framework Document of February 1995 both high water marks in the political process.

When the two governments drift apart, as they did in their response to the Mitchell report last year, progress ebbs, and others fill the vacuum.

When elections on both sides of the Irish Sea are over, the London Dublin partnership must work together to provide leadership. First, to cajole the parties to work to agree a workable, lasting settlement. And then, if that proves difficult, to take a proactive initiative themselves.

Besides the constitutional talks and progress on marches and parades, there are many helpful steps a new government could take swiftly and unilaterally. Community projects have done tremendous work in Northern Ireland by bringing together people who would otherwise be rivals. These deserve more support.

Community employment schemes have helped many, including people successfully tempted away from the fringes of terrorism. And at a time when many face depressingly few prospects, these schemes are extremely important.

In the longer term, the British government needs to help patch up a divided society. Integrated education needs particular support. Ordinary people need to be tied into decision making. Local government must be strengthened. Individual rights need to be protected through a Bill of Rights. The whole structure of government needs to be redesigned to accommodate everybody, rather than dividing people into two camps.

But these are issues for the future. The most pressing issue at the moment is the general election. On Thursday, voters in Northern Ireland will have a choice between leadership and cowardice. I urge the people of Northern Ireland, who shave endured so much, to favour those politicians prepared to talk, negotiate and compromise over those who are not.