LAST month the Government issued its White Paper on Foreign Policy. One section dealt with the Irish abroad, how they had become one of Ireland's most valuable national resources and show stronger links should be forged with the diaspora.

In the same week the Seanad discussed the Department of Environment consultation paper proposing to give three Seanad seats to the Irish abroad.

The discussion was unique in that all the speakers were opposed to the Government's proposals. So what is it that has the senators so riled?

The Government paper proposes to hold a referendum to grant emigrants three Seanad seats. In its wisdom it has decided emigrant graduates from TCD and UCD will be excluded from voting, that a candidate will not have to be an emigrant, for to have ever set foot in Ireland that the cost will be between £3.5 and, £10 million and that there is a potential electorate of 900,000.

The Government also suggests the three senators may represent the UK, the US and Australia. But it has conveniently ignored the fact that there are six times as many Irish in Britain than there are in the US, and that the Irish in Europe outnumber, by a considerable margin, the Irish in Australia, Canada and Africa combined.

All told, I can honestly say there has rarely been a proposed piece of legislation so ineptly researched, so inaccurate in its figures and so unrealistic. So how did the Government get itself into this mess?

Ireland has recently been going through a renaissance of sorts. Our identity has changed, becoming more inclusive of others who perceive themselves as Irish, but don't necessarily live in Ireland.

For years, emigrants were perceived as a burden, "no taxation, no representation" being the cry of small minded, selfish people who were only too glad to live off the success of the Irish abroad when it suited them.

GRADUALLY, through years of campaigning by emigrant groups and the tireless work of the President, Mrs Robinson, on our behalf, the perception of the Irish abroad has changed.

We are now seen as one of Ireland's great national assets and a resource to be utilised. The Government has, at least, finally recognised this by making an attempt to include us in modern Irish life. However, the proposal will probably achieve little.

The three Seanad seats was an idea conceived by a small but powerful group of TDs in Fine Gael as far back as 1989. Because of their position in power, their proposals became party policy, despite the fact that a large number of Fine Gael deputies supported voting rights rather than Seanad seats for emigrants.

In Government, they were able to negotiate from a position of strength and defeated the Labour Party and Democratic Left, who favour, rights. They have been helped by the disgraceful performance of successive Fianna Fail administrations who also favour voting rights but never actually did anything about it.

To be fair to these members of Fine Gael, at least they gave their word and stood by their commitment, evens though they should have listened to us, and realised the potential consequences of their actions. But they, too, find themselves in an unfortunate position, with an unworkable, unpopular motion supported by few.

Things have not been helped by the negative attitude of some sections in the Department of the Environment. For years they have raised obstacles at every turn. Their "cannot do" attitude is at odds with every other country in Europe, and most democratised countries throughout the world, which grant their emigrants voting rights using a variety of means.

ALTHOUGH I do believe that Brendan Howlin genuinely believes in giving the Irish abroad a voice, he has been put in an awkward position by his fellow Cabinet members. I hope he realises in time that the proposal will not be passed in the referendum if it is to remain in its present format.

The Government has consistently ignored the one section of Irish life this proposed legislation is for, the Irish abroad. We have never called for Seanad seats, as we do not believe they are an appropriate forum for divergent voices of the Irish abroad. We have always campaigned for full voting rights for a limited number of years, which would require a simple amendment to Section 5 (4) of the Electoral Act.

If the Government has reservations about this, but still believes that links between us should be strengthened, then it should consider including emigrants in forthcoming presidential elections.

The presidential elections would greatly attract the Irish abroad as a result of President Robinson's considerable efforts on our behalf and the fact that the position stands outside the party political structure.

Above all, the Government needs to listen to the Irish abroad. After all, we have the most to gain and also the most to lose. Irish society also must grasp this opportunity and give the Irish abroad the respect they deserve.

This is an opportunity for foresight, something that has been sadly lacking in Irish society and politics for years.