WHAT a pleasure it is to read a studious and measured work of this kind; it places discussion on foreign policy issues, of central importance to the future of this country, on to a new and highly professional level. The contrast in quality of thought and range of reference here with aspects of contemporary Irish political discourse on foreign policy is striking.
I am referring to what sometimes passes for discussion on the subjects of Partnership for Peace, and whether or not NATO is conspiring to force this country to join its ranks. The publication of a book of this kind exposes the shallowness of certain features of discourse on the policy options - facing Ireland today.
Since opening its doors, the Institute of European Affairs - under whose aegis this study was carried out - has made a significant contribution to the professionalisation of the study of foreign policy issues. This book, the latest addition to a variety of excellent studies produced by the IEA, is the distilled wisdom of deliberations, seminars and working groups which have been meeting since 1993 under the chairmanship of Dr Garret FitzGerald, one of the contributors here.
The book is divided into two sections. Part one, by the editor, the chairman and Ronan Fanning, deals with "Britain's European Question - the Issues for Ireland", while the second part provides commentaries on aspects of this central theme by Paul Gillespie, Brendan Halligan, Lochlann Quinn, Gerard O'Neill, Patrick Keatinge and Stephen George.
The findings in this study illustrate the testing time that lies ahead ahead for the triangular relationship between Dublin, Belfast and London within a European Union intent on "deepening" and "widening". After the end of the Cold War, the authors argue, Britain faces an internal crisis and a crisis of identity in its global, transatlantic and European relations. That transition period in British history may take "at least 10-15 years to play out", according to their assessment. Decision makers in Dublin will, they argue, be left in a climate of uncertainty in making working assumptions about the direction of British policy.
The authors consider it more prudent to expect from the British the continuation of a stop go policy approach to Europe than to wait for the evolution of a new British grand strategy towards the EU. As any good policy study would do, this book outlines a number of alternative British scenarios towards Europe many of which would pose serious problems for this country.
The authors attempt to understand the British position on Europe, which is far preferable to rising up in indignation, a popular reflex in this country. They speak about the double constitutional problem facing Britain, as sovereignty "could be simultaneously drained from the centre in two opposite directions: outwardly towards Europe and inwardly towards the regions". Finally, they suggest that it is in Ireland's interest "to foster those circumstances which could allow Britain to match the pace of its constitutional reform with its involvement in Europe". It is also in Ireland's interest, the book concludes, to help foster in the EU a climate of patience and forbearance towards the British. Too true.
The book sets a measured tone for a constructive debate on critical issues in a difficult area. I feel, however, that the authors' approach might have been helped by a stronger historical section.
We may not be the slowest ship in the European convoy but Ireland and Britain are joined by the intertwined tow ropes of history and geography. Let us hope that both countries can find a position from which to sail together at a steady speed towards the European core. This book is a significant contribution to the debate going on in this country, and abroad, which may make the realisation of such a course possible.
(An accompanying volume of 20 seminar papers explores some of these themes in more detail.)
