THE plinth on Parnell's statue in O'Connell Street, Dublin, repeats the great patriot's famous words at Cork. "No man has the right to fix the boundary of the march of a nation; no man has the right to say to his country - thus far shalt thou go and no further". For the shoppers on O'Connell Street, I imagine, these words bear little more than a historical significance.

Last week in Scotland, however, Parnell's words came powerfully to life. They did so because of a question asked by another eloquent Irishman Vincent Browne on RTE. On his radio discussion programme, Mr Browne put a question to a prominent Scottish Labour MP: would a future Scottish parliament, as proposed by Labour, be permitted to hold a referendum on independence? After a few moments of verbal floundering, the flummoxed Labour MP answered with a "no". Regardless of the desires of the Scottish people, no matter who controlled the assembly, Westminster would veto any move to independence. A boundary had been fixed to the march of the Scottish nation.

In typically incisive fashion, Vincent Browne has exposed the key truth about Labour's devolution plan: that it is designed not to free Scotland but to bind it - to hamper, not enable us. That such a telling intervention in Scottish politics should have come from an Irish commentator is by no means surprising.

Ireland has come to figure heavily in this election campaign in Scotland. As the shortcomings of New Labour's devolution scheme become - more apparent, the idea of full blooded independence - as exemplified in nearby Ireland - becomes ever more attractive.

THERE was a time when an appeal to the Irish example would have been met with scorn. Not any more. As the UK slips further behind its economic competitors, Ireland's economic resurgence becomes increasingly significant. In my keynote party conference speech last year, I released figures from the House of Commons Library showing that Ireland will overtake the UK in wealth per head by 2000.

According to the Financial Times, Ireland is now the "tiger economy of Europe". Looking across from Scotland we see what a small nation, mobilising its own resources, can achieve, and we reflect on our own indifferent economic performance.

Scotland is not a poor country. We have resources which outstrip those of Ireland. With control of these resources, we would be the eighth richest nation in the industrialised world in terms of wealth created per head.

We have modern, competitive industries and a highly skilled workforce. And yet we have no direct voice in the decisions which affect us. When we see Ireland doing - so much with so little, we wonder why Scotland is doing so little with so much.

During a visit to Ireland last summer, I attended the General Humbert Summer School in Co Mayo. The topic under discussion was "Ireland at the heart of Europe". As I listened to the various participants I was struck by the mature consensus which prevailed. Whatever the reservations about specific European measures, all the speakers were agreed on one thing: that Ireland's place was at the heart of Europe, speaking for itself, putting its own interests across.

In Scotland, we can only envy Ireland's access to Europe's top table, just as we can only envy Ireland's international visibility and all the advantages in tourism and investment - not to mention self respect - which go with it.

In Scotland, we have paid a heavy price for lacking a direct voice in Europe. At present government ministers in the Scottish office participate on a grace and favour basis in the European Council of Ministers - the grace and favour being at the whim of the Prime Minister.

Such participation is rare, and nearly always at a junior level as support to an English cabinet minister. The ineffective and indeed damaging - nature of this invisible presence was seen recently during the BSE crisis, when Scottish interests fell a victim to the intransigence of British ministers.

ENGLAND'S failure to adjust to its position in the late 20th century - that of a medium sized power within Europe - has led to a growing isolationism which damages Scotland's interests. Like most Scots, the SNP - views Europe as an opportunity, not a threat. We agree with what Mary Robinson said in Glasgow last year: "As citizens of Europe we need not be fearful. Far from sub merging or clouding our identity, it can be enhanced and enriched on the European stage".

It is on the international stage that the contrast between Ireland and Scotland is most apparent: two small European nations, one flourishing at the heart of Europe, the other languishing in an introspective, isolationist Britain.

It is our task, in the SNP, to put Parnell's words into practice: to confute those who would limit our ambition, to resist the narrowing of our horizons. And in attempting to win Scots to our cause, we are aided, not just by the rhetoric of past Irish patriots, but by the more eloquent testimony of Ireland's contemporary success.

As a modern, progressive, nation, secure in its own identity yet comfortably European, Ireland has much to teach the Scots. As to how quickly we're learning, we'll find out when the votes are counted.