THE real surprise in John Major's Bournemouth speech was not the reassurances offered to unionist supporters following the Lisburn bombing, but the degree of political flexibility it retained.

As a keynote address to members of the Conservative and Unionist Party, it understandably condemned the activities of the IRA spoke in general terms of upholding the Union and insisted that the British government would never be deflected or manipulated by violence.

The Prime Minister went on to sweet talk David Trimble by promising access by Ulster Unionist MPs to a grand committee of the House of Commons, where they could question ministers and scrutinise government policies. They were being given parity of esteem with MPs from Scotland and Wales and the committee might even sit in Northern Ireland.

There was nothing new in the promise. It was first made about a year ago and was then regarded as a real feather in Mr Trimble's integrationist cap. The Government accepted the gesture at the time, confident in the belief that the focus remained on a three stranded political settlement.

The fact that Mr Major promised further consultation on the matter yesterday and set an autumn deadline for action was seen as a natural development.

It was clearly "be nice to Mr Trimble time". But horse trading is a two way process. And, in return for access to the grand committee, Mr Major signalled that he required some movement on decommissioning.

The IRA's "betrayal of Northern Ireland" made decommissioning more important than ever, he said. There could be no hiding place for those arms, missiles and explosives and legislation designed to take them out of commission would be introduced in the autumn. He wanted "to remove the false excuses peddled by the men of violence for keeping their weapons".

It was a brave speech, delivered shortly after news was received of the death of Warrant Officer James Bradwell in Belfast. There was no change in the determination of the British government to secure an IRA ceasefire or to resolve decommissioning. The agreed approach by the two governments still stood and pressure remained on both republicans and unionists.

Mr Major challenged Sinn Fein to show a serious commitment to end violence for good. There was, he said, no point in Gerry Adams telling him he had nothing to do with violence because he did not believe him. Bombs would not bring Sinn Fein into the talks; all they meant was that Sinn Fein had slammed the door on itself.

HE applauded the way loyalists had maintained their ceasefire "in the face of the IRA's provocation" and he urged them "to stand firm and not to throw away what they had achieved".

In spite of the grand committee gesture and his stated belief that Northern Ireland would not leave the United Kingdom, the Prime Minister made it plain there was no departure from the strategy agreed by both governments, embracing the framework document and a three stranded approach.

There could only be peace in Northern Ireland, Mr Major declared, "if all its citizens - Catholic and Protestant alike - feel their traditions have a welcome place in the United Kingdom".

He went on to speak of removing the causes that had given rise to so much conflict and concluded: "I will fight for a secure way of life in Northern Ireland and for a settlement fair to all."

Given the occasion of the speech and the demands of the moment, Dublin was quite content.