Mary McAleese looked into the cameras and spoke about the need for reconciliation, for peace and an embrace of friendship. Albert Reynolds and Michael O'Kennedy smouldered quietly nearby, their political authority in tatters, their services to Fianna Fail spurned. A former Taoiseach and party leader, and a former Minister and EC Commissioner, had been beaten for the presidential nomination by someone not even a member of Fianna Fail. And the jury had been their party colleagues in Leinster House. It was a devastating double rebuff.

Bertie Ahern introduced the successful candidate to the press and spoke of "some surprise" at the size of the McAleese vote. It was, he said, the Parliamentary Party that did it. He had not sought to go out and influence the campaign over the past couple of weeks.

That's true. The Taoiseach never became personally involved in one-to-one dealings with prospective candidates. Ask Maire Geoghegan-Quinn, who was approached by senior Fianna Fail officials to stand against Albert. Ask John Hume, who was endorsed by David Andrews and P.J.Mara as an agreed all-party candidate. Ask Michael O'Kennedy, who was quietly encouraged within the party. Ask Ray MacSharry, who shrugged off another Ministerial appeal. Ask David Andrews, who was actively discouraged from standing. And, while you are at it, ask Mary McAleese.

It's like money at election time: no favours are asked and none are promised. The party leader does not become personally involved in the selection process. But he invariably decides who the candidate will be. It's just that, when the axe swings, the leader doesn't have to wield it.

From way back, the party leadership had its face set against Mr Reynolds. There were too many skeletons in his political closet. And the sensitivities of the Progressive Democrats had to be addressed. The primary concern was the preservation of the Coalition Government against potential controversy and by-elections; the Presidency was a secondary consideration.

The whispering campaign against Mr Reynolds had been going on for weeks. It centred on the potential damage his candidature might do to Fianna Fail because of his libel action against the Sunday Times and other unfinished business. TDs and senators were told he would damage relations with the PDs and shorten the life of the Government. The PDs simply would not support him and, if relations soured too badly, an election could threaten all their their seats.

A pincer movement linked Mr O'Kennedy with Mr Reynolds. Again, the appeal was to the self-interest of the parliamentary electorate. If either man became President if would cause a by-election. And the minority Coalition Government might be reduced to 80 Dail seats and face collapse. Not only that, it was emphasised that Fianna Fail, under Mr Ahern, was trying to get away from the Haughey era and its past record of some dubious activity.

But where did that leave Michael O'Kennedy? Hadn't he an unblemished political career?

It wasn't as simple as that: the party wanted a winning candidate. And, because there was no certainty that Mr O'Kennedy would win against Mr Reynolds within the parliamentary party, or later in the election proper, it had to be an outside candidate.

That's why Maire Geoghegan-Quinn, John Hume, Mary McAleese and Ray MacSharry were approached. And if Ms McAleese was allowed to cool her heels for a few weeks while bigger guns were dealt with, that was just how Fianna Fail did its business.

When Mr MacSharry ruled himself out last Friday, attention switched to David Andrews. But on Monday morning he bowed out for a second time as Mr Ahern protected his Government. From that moment on, if Albert was to be stopped, Ms McAleese was the one to do it. Heavy duty political weaponry was trundled into position.

Old scores would be settled. The great political blood-letting of 1991 would be suitably commemorated. On Albert's election as Taoiseach that year, seven Ministers and nine Ministers of State lost their jobs. Now, it was a case of "vingence, bejasus, vingence".

Mary O'Rourke and Mr Reynolds have made no secret of their dislike for one another in recent years. They once shared a constituency where they honed their antipathy. And Ms O'Rourke was one of those who lost her Ministerial position when Mr Reynolds took power.

The deputy leader of Fianna Fail was said to be one of the prime movers in canvassing support for Ms McAleese. By Monday night, at least three Ministers were actively involved in making telephone calls and in shaking the political tree. They paid particular attention to the 35 new members of the parliamentary party. By Tuesday night, a torrent of high-level canvassing and arm-twisting was under way.

The last-minute "heave" cannot have come as a total surprise to Mr Reynolds. After all, he once formed part of Charlie Haughey's praetorian guard. But he believed too much in his pledges of support. Rough-house treatment was something that happened to the other camp.

When the first round of votes was counted, it was effectively over. A lead of seven votes over Ms McAleese wasn't enough. Especially when Michael O'Kennedy's tally of 21 votes had been buttoned up tight. Mr Reynolds was "very surprised" and "deeply disappointed".

The party leadership had finally got shut of an embarrassment. And it had acquired a formidable presidential candidate in circumstances of high drama and media attention. With a start like that, and a carefully managed campaign, it could recover the prize of the Presidency.

It would all come down to transfers between the four women candidates in the campaign. If Fianna Fail could deliver on its core vote of almost 40 per cent, Ms McAleese would be in a position to pick up transfers from two of the other candidates when they were eliminated.

All it required was a unified party and a carefully staged campaign. It would be sweet. Mr Ahern may have abandoned his consensus-man image in the interests of the party, but that's Bertie for ye: the most devious and cunning of them all. . .