If the first part of 2025 in Irish politics had a defining characteristic, it was stasis. In its first few months, the newly formed Government appeared to lack either energy or direction.
Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael had assembled a comfortable majority, with the support of a sufficiently large group of Independents. But the prominent role played by controversial Tipperary North TD Michael Lowry, along with Opposition outrage over an attempted stroke over speaking rights, meant Micheál Martin was only elected Taoiseach after highly charged and adversarial scenes in the Dáil. The fallout consumed political oxygen and delayed for weeks the formation of parliamentary committees. The outrage may have been partly performative, but it did introduce two recurring motifs of the year. The first was a Government lacking in political nous or clear objectives. The second was a new sense of co-operation on the Opposition benches.
In the months that followed, the sense of inertia persisted, with a string of strategy documents failing to appear on schedule. A botched attempt to fast-track the appointment of a “housing czar” hardly inspired confidence. And the targets set for housing looked increasingly fantastical. That was mirrored by an anaemic legislative agenda.
It was only in the final quarter that a shift occurred, accompanied by acknowledgment that Ireland’s infrastructure processes had become actively dysfunctional. Language sharpened and reforms were pushed forward with new intent. Whether this represents a genuinely effective change of approach remains to be seen.
READ MORE
As had been well flagged, the budget presented in October by Paschal Donohoe and Jack Chambers removed a range of cost-of-living supports that had become politically embedded during the inflationary surge. While defensible in macroeconomic terms, the decision carried some political risk, even as it was simultaneously being criticised as insufficiently prudent.
Within weeks, Donohoe had exited Irish politics to take up a position at the World Bank. His departure after a decade at the centre of economic policy-making deprived the Government and Fine Gael alike of one of their most authoritative voices and underscored a generational transition whose implications are still unfolding.
The Government revealed itself on several fronts to be perceptibly to the right of its predecessor, particularly on immigration and climate measures. In this respect, it is part of a broader European trend, as centrist governments recalibrate in response to electoral pressure and shifting public sentiment. That shift contributed to a clearer ideological divide in the Dáil, with an Opposition dominated by parties of the left and led by Sinn Féin. The new unity that had been seen in January was reinforced over the course of the summer as, one by one, those parties rallied behind Catherine Connolly’s presidential bid. By the time the campaign proper was under way, Connolly had built a formidable coalition which would go on to deliver the largest share of the first preference vote in presidential history. That emphatic victory was also made possible by the lacklustre campaign of Fine Gael’s Heather Humphreys and the implosion of Fianna Fáil candidate Jim Gavin. A low turnout and historically high number of spoiled votes indicated many voters were unimpressed by the choices they had been offered.
The aftershock of Fianna Fáil’s presidential embarrassment would still be felt in the days before Christmas. For Micheál Martin, it proved a personal and political complication at a delicate moment. He had begun the year at the peak of his political career. He would end it with whispers about timelines for his departure.
Despite Connolly’s success, with a general election up to four years away the prospects for any major realignment in Irish politics remain cloudy. The disparate parties of the left may have found common ground on issues such as the Occupied Territories Bill and the triple lock, while joining in attacks on failures to deliver on housing and disability services. But co-operation will be more challenging in the byelections to fill the seats vacated by Connolly and Donohoe.
Hovering over all was the dog that did not bark in 2025. Despite widespread concern over Donald Trump’s erratic tariff policies and their implications for Ireland, the feared shock failed to materialise. Yet Trump’s wider impact was still felt. His disruption of Western defence relationships, and renewed uncertainty over European security, have left Ireland confronting difficult questions about its own defence and future co-operation with European partners. These debates, still tentative, point to challenges that will not be avoided indefinitely.
Ultimately, then, this was a year in which Irish politics seemed to lag behind reality. The problems were well diagnosed; the remedies laid out. What was missing was urgency. Whether that lesson has been learned will shape the years ahead.
