Four hours of intense Cabinet discussions on the most effective way to crush the enemies of the Belfast Agreement led the Coalition Government to opt for the legislative route.

But it was a close-run thing. And the Taoiseach admitted that the internment option had not gone away. What they were doing was judged to be the most effective way of dealing with the current situation, he said, but the internment option remained open.

John O'Donoghue described the range of legislative measures proposed by the Government as "the toughest in the history of the State". And David Andrews agreed.

For the Progressive Democrats, Liz O'Donnell waved the internment stick and said it wasn't something that divided the partners in Government. Their judgment at the moment was that new legislation was the most effective way to bring the people responsible for the bombing to justice and to protect the Belfast Agreement.

Four days of media speculation, based on informal security briefings, had stripped the security package of surprises. It was as tough and broad-ranging as predicted. The Government's only difficulty lay in convincing the public that it was enough to prevent further atrocities. Especially because of the time-lag involved in drafting legislation and in recalling the Dail. Instant security measures were not an option.

Even allowing for the proposed legislative changes, the security response detailed in the Taoiseach's statement may be of greater short-term consequence. For, while the Government prepares to pass draconian legislation in early September, money and resources are being diverted to the Garda along the Border.

Surveillance and intelligence-gathering activities will be stepped up, particularly in relation to the `Real IRA' and the 32-County Sovereignty Movement. And by the time the new laws take effect, the Garda should be in a position to take decisive action.

Just how extensive the steps to protect the integrity of the Belfast Agreement will be may depend on whether ceasefires have been called by the remaining dissident republican groups, the INLA, the `Real IRA' and the Continuity Army Council.

The `Real IRA's' announcement of a "suspension" of military activities yesterday, pending consultation within the organisation, has not impressed - or diverted - the Government.

Mr Ahern said it would continue to pursue those responsible for the Omagh bombing in order to lock them up for a long time. But if a ceasefire wasn't called, the full weight of the security forces would be used against the group and its supporters.

Given that the "suspension" of the `RIRA's' military campaign is almost certainly tactical, designed to buy time and distance from the Omagh killings, and in light of the determination of the 32-County Sovereignty Movement to continue to organise politically in opposition to Sinn Fein strategy and the Belfast Agreement, a nagging doubt remains about the effectiveness of the Government's response.

John O'Donoghue acknowledged that we already have the toughest anti-terrorist legislation in the free world. Yet the security forces appeared impotent in recent months as the `Real IRA' launched its takeover bid for out-of-work members of the Provisional IRA. Eight attempted bombings were prevented by good Garda intelligence. But while the identity of many of those involved were known to the security forces, they remained at liberty.

Like many organisations, the Garda does some of its best work under pressure, as was evidenced by the Veronica Guerin murder inquiry. But in the event of ceasefires being declared by republican splinter groups, they might tend to relax their vigilance.

As the Government got to grips with the consequences of the Omagh bombing yesterday, Ministers insisted there would be follow-through on this occasion. And Liz O'Donnell promised a strong political will to drive the process forward and crush dissident republicans.

David Trimble appeared satisfied with the Government's response when he met Mr Ahern at Government Buildings. But Northern Ireland's First Minister remarked on the tendency for security responses to paramilitary atrocities to contain a "stop-go" element.

This time, he felt, it might be different. This time they had an agreement between the political parties in Northern Ireland and the two governments which had been endorsed by the overwhelming majority of the people. This gave them a stronger base than ever before in ensuring that the democratic choice made by the people in the referendums was vindicated.

Mr Trimble was singing off the same hymn sheet as Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern. And while differences might remain on the issue of arms decommissioning and Sinn Fein's place in the shadow executive, the priority for all three was the protection of the Belfast Agreement. It was a positive ending to a sombre day.